• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.18
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• pp.247-324
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• 2003

Considering Republic of Korea that is known as the worlds one of the most compact airspace, together with development of technology of aerospace and ever-strengthening weapon systems of aircraft, is, in its reality, in a dire need for more practical infrastructure against any intrusion, of course also being mindful of the situation with the North Korea, to its national airspace or other controlled airspace. Republic of Koreas current legislative regime is unable to effectively respond to such crisis on any legal ground, and responsible government members are relying heavily on relevant military laws and regulations. Naturally, there exists strong possibility of various problems when there occurs an actual intrusion to Koreas airspace and lawful and legal resolution of the aftereffect is demanded. This article categorizes Korean peninsula and its national airspace into various kinds of airspaces; KADIZ; FIR; airspace above EEZ; airspace above contiguous zone; airspace above the high sea, and attempted to research and study these respective categories, given the unique nature of airspace and the current responsive measure. Furthermore, this article will review some of the relevant legislative actions and their sense of direction as solution to the discussed problems.

• International Commerce and Information Review
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.353-384
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• 2013

When it comes to the current inter-Korean relationship, the two Koreas are in the step of core practical negotiation on exchanges and cooperation away from deadlock so far. It is expected that they will have more and frequent meetings in the future. Therefore, now is the time the South Korea needed to come up with systematic countermeasures because there is nothing more important and giving more impact on our society than the matter of North Korea. As the purpose of social science lies with the explanation and prediction of the social phenomena in the society, it is considered to be meaningful to analyze the representative military negotiations such as the defense ministry-level talks, general-level talks, and working-level talks between the two Koreas where the participants from South Korea consisting of the military representatives discussed with their counterparts of North Korea since the signing of the armistice in Korea on July 27, 1953. This study analyzes and evaluates the behaviors of North Korea's military negotiations with the South Korea in the Kim Jong-il era on the overall basis. In particular, the research tries to prove that the behaviors of military negotiations under Kim Jeong-il regime were made in the frame of the negotiation model by analyzing many negotiations presented in 'With Century', Kim Il Sung's Memoirs under his anti-Japan-guerilla era and suggesting the analysis frame of anti-Japan-guerilla style negotiation model. Based on the results of this proof, the study looks at carefully the specific characteristics of anti-Japan guerrilla-type negotiation.

• Land and Housing Review
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• v.7 no.4
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• pp.191-205
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• 2016

North Korea(NK) has designated the special economic zones(SEZs) since the first one in Rason. But, why have the SEZs in NK still not been developed successfully? This study comparatively evaluated the SEZs in China, Vietnam and NK, with respect to 'context/purpose', 'development/management system', and 'location/infrastructure.' NK's strategies for the SEZs were different from those of China and Vietnam in terms of historical context and development purpose. China and Vietnam chose the market opening policy aiming to reform their national economy, while NK tried the opening policy without the economic reform. This difference made NK's decentralization and location strategies marginal. In spite of the positive land system and tax benefit of NK, the strategies couldn't make a successful result. The implications of this comparative study are as follows. Firstly, NK needs to establish a strategy for the SEZs in accord with the comprehensive and long-term plan for economic development and 'trustworthy and substantial market-systems' being compatible with outside world. For that, NK has to secure the regime stability in political and diplomatic dimensions. Secondly, NK has to carry out policies of decentralization and location of the SEZs more positively. Thirdly, in order to solve the problem related to lack of infrastructure capital, NK needs to utilize a BOT scheme.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.145-167
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• 2016

UN Security Council is entitled to power for determining the existence of the threat to the peace. Specifying the provisions adopted in accordance with the chapter 7 of the UN Charter, its resolution is deemed as document confirming its decision about the threat to the peace. In general, resolutions adopted by the Security Council acting under Chapter VII of the Charter, are considered binding, in accordance with Article 25 of the Charter. Regarding to the terms of the Resolutions to be interpreted, the word "decide" is used as to the suspension of the ballistic missile program, the word "demand" is used as to the stopping of the the launch of ballistic missile, and the word "demand" is used as to return to the missile test moratorium. These provisions may be deemed to determining specific obligations to be imposed upon the States in accordance with the 1967 Outer Space Treaty. On the other hand, the Resolutions may be limited to the decision, not leading to a sort of international legislation, the main purpose of which is to provide a legal basis for international sanctions against Northe Korea. North Korea missile test case has reminded us of continuing discussion about whether the decision of the Security Council lacks the legislative authority due to its decision process. Furthermore, having regard to the outer space and space activities, the outer space law regime would be not compatible with the Security Council decision process in that the former presupposes the agreement among all States parties, while the latter based upon the agreement between Council member States. Therefore, it is premature to consider the Security Council decision as becoming the lex specialis of the space law regime.

• Proceedings of KOSOMES biannual meeting
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• 2003.11a
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• pp.35-44
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• 2003

Considering possible legal and policy problems with regard to the Cheju Strait, a central issue is whether the Cheju Strait should be treated as Korean territorial sea or an international strait The claim that the strait is territorial sea has been based on the use of a straight baseline method of dermarcation With the use of straight baseline, Korea claims that the breadth of the Cheju Strait is only 20.7 miles at its narrowest point and therefore the strait becomes the territorial sea of Korea. The consideration cf marine pollution has weighed heavily in claiming the Cheju Strait as territorial sea. Pollution resulting from the accidents cf tankers caused by fire, collision, or stranding in the Cheju Strait and the Korea Strait would be enormous, affecting the entire coastal waters of the south coasts cf Korea's mainland and Japan's Tsushima Islands areas. Catastrophic pollution in the Cheju Strait could also come from the accidents cf large-size oil tankers passing through the Korea Strait from the Malacca Strait Although the Korean government considers the geographic and socioeconomic conditions sufficient to justify Korea's claim of the Cheju Strait as territorial sea, it believes that declaring it so would raise considerable legal conflicts with maritime states. In view of the legal difficulties and the need to meet the problems arising from the growing vessel traffic in the Cheju Strait, the sea lanes and traffic separation schemes may be considered an alternative to the internationalization of the Cheju Strait Even if the Korean government dose not do so, the regime of innocent passage should be applied to vessels passing through the Strait and should not suspend innocent passage through the Strait. Therefore, the Korean government needs to have a more legal, pragmatic, functional and managerial approach than a purely sovereign and selfish approach to the solution of legal matters of the Cheju strait For this purpose, the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea would serve as a guide and also self-restraint and cooperative approaches would become norms governing the resolution of the law of the sea issues in the Cheju Strait.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.52
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• pp.5-59
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• 2014

This paper investigates the development and aesthetics of Korean political theatre from its quickening period 1920s to democratization era 1990s. Political theatre before 90s developed an antithesis resistant movement toward Korean modern history that had been scattered with suppressing political circumstances such as colonial era and dictatorial government, the movement has powerful activity and social influences. Just like the 20 century political theatre had been quickened under the influence of Marxism at Russia and Germany in 1920s, Korea's political theatre began in socialism theatre movement form around the same time. Proletarian theatre groups had been founded in Japan and Korea, and developed into practical movement with organized connection. However, the political theatre movement in Japanese colonial era was an empty vessel makes great sound but not much accomplishments. Most performance had been canceled or disapproved by suppression or censorship of the Japanese Empire. The political theatre in liberation era was the left drama inherited from Proletarian theatre of the colonial era. Korean Theatre alliance took lead the theatrical world unfold activities based on theatre popularization theory such as 'culture activists' taking a jump up the line and 'independent theatre' peeping into production spot as well as the important event, Independence Movement Day Memorial tournament theatre. Since 1947, US army military government in Korea strongly oppressed the left performances to stop and theatrical movement was ended due to many left theatrical people defection to North Korea. The political theatre in 1960s to 70s the Park regime, developed in dramatically different ways according to orthodox group and group out of power. The political theatre of institutional system handled judgment on sterile people and had indirect political theatre from that took history material and allegory technique because of censorship. In political theatre out of institution, it started outdoor theatre that has modernized traditional performance style and established deep relationship with labor spot and culture movement organizations. Madangguek(Outdoor theatre) is 'Attentive political theatre', satirizing and offending the political and social inconsistencies such as the dictatorial government's oppression and unbalanced distribution, alienation of general people, and foreign powers' pillage sharply as well as laughing at the Establishment with negative characters. The political theatre in 1980s is divided into two categories; political theatre of institutional system and Madangguek. Institutional Political theatre mainly performed in Korea Theatre Festival and the theatre group 'Yeonwoo-Moudae' led political theatre as private theatre company. Madangguek developed into an outdoor theatrical for indoor theatre capturing postcolonial historical view. Yeonwoo-Moudae theatre company produced representative political plays at 80s such as The chronicles of Han's, Birds fly away too, and so on by combining freewheeling play spirit of Madangguek and epic theatre. Political theatre was all the rage since the age of democratization started in 1987 and political materials has been freed from ban. However, political theatre was slowly declined as real socialism was crumbling and postmodernism is becoming the spirit of the times. After 90s, there are no more plays of ideology and propaganda that aim at politicization of theatre. As the age rapidly entered into the age of deideology, political theatre discourse also changed greatly. The concept 'the political' became influential as a new political possibility that stands up to neoliberalism system in the evasion of politics. Rather than reenact political issues, it experiments new political theatre that involves something political by deconstructing and reassigning audience's political sense with provocative forms, staging others and drawing discussion about it.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.173-202
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• 2021

During the Korean War, China dispatched 'the Anti-US and Pro-Joseon Comfort' group to North Korea 3 times. The purpose of the comfort group was to comfort the Chinese People's Supporting Soldiers and Joseon People's Army fighting the US imperial forces and at the same time, inform them of China's situation to booster their morale. Another purpose was to promote the socialism construction projects in the new China. Namely, China wanted to propagate various heroic achievements of the Chinese soldiers and accuse the US imperialist soldiers and thereby, inspire Chinese people's international sense and patriotism for the new China to mobilize the people for the war and promote the construction of the new China effectively. The comfort group consisted of diverse classes (laborers, farmers, intellectuals, women, students, soldiers, etc.) in various areas such as politics, military, ethnic, society, culture, education, etc. Their activities were conducted in various forms such as consolation, legwork, meeting and performances. Their activities were full of anger and compassion, sacrifice and emotion, battle and romance, impression and comfort. Such emotion was delivered intact to the Chinese people through the comfort group's propaganda activities back home in China. The Anti-US and Pro-Joseon Comfort' group revealed their identity of socialists New China in terms of their organization and their specific performances. Their identity claimed for democracy and equality, internationalism empathizing world peace and solidarity of the proletariats, and patriotism supporting the communists regime. The comfort group played a role in propagating such identity of new China effectively by crossing the border. It was a political and cultural performance that stipulated the political meaning of the Anti-US and Pro-Joseon Chosun Comfort' group

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.227-234
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• 2019

Hyochang Park was the royal tomb of the Joseon Dynasty, where were the tombs of Prince Munhyo and his birth mother Ui-bin Seong, king Soonjo's concubine Sook-Ui Park and Youngon princess by a concubine. It was upgraded from Hyochang tomb to Hyochangwon at King Gojong. The Japanese imperialism destroyed Hyochangwon and made it into a park, also moved to Seosamneung in 1944. After returning from Chongqing after liberation, Kimgu made the independence movement tomb in the empty space of Hyochang Park. There were 3 martyr's tomb, provisional government figure tomb. Kimgu himself was buried in Hyochang Park after his death in 1949. During the regime of Rhee Seung-man and Park Jeong-hee, there was a constant attempt to change the identity of Hyochang Park, where independence activists were buried. Hyochang Stadium, Wonhyo buddhist priest's Statue and North Korean Anti-Communist Tower were established. After democratization in 1987, the independence activist tomb of Hyochang Park began to gain meaning again. The 6th Republic succeeded the provisional government in the Constitution, also the national cemetery and independent park of Hyochang Park were attempted but the social consensus could not be achieved. This study focuses on the historical middle layer and symbolism of Hyochang Park and aims to contribute to social consensus on the identity of Hyochang Park by making a storytelling on the theme of 'Independence Road'.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.9 no.3
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• pp.297-313
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• 2003

Problems caused by the U.S. military bases have attracted little attention until recently due to the national security of S.Korea and the peace of North-Eastern Asia, emphasized from the perspective of macro-geopolitics. However, since the political regime has been democratized and political discourses have been liberalized from the 1990s, those problems become a nation-widely serious social issue, though they have been brought about on the local areas. Thus, it can be suggested that micro-geopolitics is highly relevant and significant in approaching the local problems caused by the U.S. military bases, and ultimately resolving the macro-geopolitical problem of longstanding unfair relations in the SOFA and the withdrawal of U.S. troops. This paper aims to consider local problems caused by the U.S. military bases and resolving strategies from the perspective of micro-geopolitics. First of all, it discusses some significance of the micro-geopolitical perspective, as it has been recently emphasized in political geography in considering local problems and politics of life on the basis of place, then looks on empirically criminal and environmental problems caused by the U.S. military bases, analyses the questionnaire date on the perception of local dwellers around the military camps in Nam-gu Daegu, and finally suggests strategies to resolve those problems, which level up from the micro to the macro-scale of geopolitics.

• Publications of The Korean Astronomical Society
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• v.32 no.1
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• pp.201-203
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• 2017

There exists strong evidence supporting the co-evolution of central supermassive black holes and their host galaxies; however it is still under debate how such a relation comes about and whether it is relevant for all or only a subset of galaxies. An important mechanism connecting AGN to their host galaxies is AGN feedback, potentially heating up or even expelling gas from galaxies. AGN feedback may hence be responsible for the eventual quenching of star formation and halting of galaxy growth. A rich multi-wavelength dataset ranging from the X-ray regime (Chandra), to far-IR (Herschel), and radio (WSRT) is available for the North Ecliptic Pole field, most notably surveyed by the AKARI infrared space telescope, covering a total area on the sky of 5.4 sq. degrees. We investigate the star formation properties and possible signatures of radio feedback mechanisms in the host galaxies of 237 radio sources below redshift z = 2 and at a radio 1.4 GHz flux density limit of 0.1 mJy. Using broadband SED modelling, the nuclear and host galaxy components of these sources are studied simultaneously as a function of their radio luminosity. Here we present results concerning the AGN content of the radio sources in this field, while also offering evidence showcasing a link between AGN activity and host galaxy star formation. In particular, we show results supporting a maintenance type of feedback from powerful radio-jets.