• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.55 no.4
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• pp.517-538
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• 2009

This study explores the possibility of finding intersections of commonness and differences between Mahasweta Devi's short stories, "The Hunt" and "Douloti the Bountiful" and Angela Carter's "Flesh and the Mirror" and "Master" in Fireworks. At appearance, Carter as a writer of Great Britains and Devi as a writer of India in postcolonial period do not seem to share any commonness. This study, however, tried to find "common differences," to quote Chandra Mohanty's terminology, as a basis of solidarity possible between these two different feminist writers. Another concept appropriated in this process of comparing Carter and Devi is Gayatri Spivak's 'planetary comparative literature,' which contends the necessity of critical regional studies and the study of Asian Literature in the study of English literature. Devi and Carter, despite their historical, geopolitical and racial differences, share commonness in depicting Asian or colonized women not only as the oppressed others but also as the subjects who show potential for resistance and independence. Carter portrays Japanese women as the colonized and oppressed others of Japanese society, even though Japan did not have any colonial history. Devi finds in the postcolonial Indian women both the oppressed in the interstice of colonial/postcolonial/patriarchal Indian history and the potential for resistance. Despite some limitation in her understanding of Asia, Carter shows her insight to accept Asia as a true origin of her self-knowledge and performativity of her woman's role. Despite their differences, these two writers use Freud's 'unheimlich' from the feminist point of view, in general. Devi's depiction of the heroine's dead body at the end of the story implicates the possibility of resistance through women's 'uncanny' bodies. Carter converts Freudian and negative connotation of woman's body into positive and comfortable 'home' as a starting point of her self knowledge.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.121-146
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• 2016

Defining key characteristics of Southeast Asia requires historical interpretation. Southeast Asia is a diverse and complicated region, but some of modern history's "grand narratives" serve to unify its historical experience. At a minimum, the modern history of the region involves decisive encounters with universal religions, the rise of Western colonialism, the experience of world wars, decolonization, and the end of the "cycle of violence". The ability of the region's peoples to adapt to these many challenges and successfully build new nations is a defining feature of Southeast Asia's place in the global stage. This paper will begin with a question: is it possible to develop a hermeneutic of "expedience" as a way to interpret the region's history? That is, rather than regard the region from a purely Western, nationalist, "internalist" point of view, it would be useful to identify a new series of interpretative contexts from which to begin scholarly analysis. In order to contextualize this discussion, the paper will draw upon the writings of figures who explored the region before knowledge about it was shaped by purely colonist or nationalist enterprises. To this end, particular attention will be devoted to exploring some of John Furnivall's ways of conceptualizing Southeast Asia. Investigating Furnivall, a critic of colonialism, will be done in relation to his historical situation. Because Furnivall's ideas have played a pivotal role in the interpretation of Southeast Asia, the paper will highlight the intellectual history of the region in order to ascertain the value of these concepts for subsequent historical interpretation. Ultimately, the task of interpreting the region's history requires a framework which will move beyond the essentializing orientalist categories produced by colonial scholarship and the reactionary nation-building narratives which followed. Instead, by beginning with a mode of historical interpretation that focuses on the many realities of expedience which have been necessary for the region's peoples, it may be possible to write a history which highlights the extraordinarily adaptive quality of Southeast Asia's populations, cultures, and nations. To tell this story, which would at once highlight key characteristics of the region while showing how they developed through historical encounters, would go a long way to capturing Southeast Asia's contribution's to global development.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.52
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• pp.5-59
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• 2014

This paper investigates the development and aesthetics of Korean political theatre from its quickening period 1920s to democratization era 1990s. Political theatre before 90s developed an antithesis resistant movement toward Korean modern history that had been scattered with suppressing political circumstances such as colonial era and dictatorial government, the movement has powerful activity and social influences. Just like the 20 century political theatre had been quickened under the influence of Marxism at Russia and Germany in 1920s, Korea's political theatre began in socialism theatre movement form around the same time. Proletarian theatre groups had been founded in Japan and Korea, and developed into practical movement with organized connection. However, the political theatre movement in Japanese colonial era was an empty vessel makes great sound but not much accomplishments. Most performance had been canceled or disapproved by suppression or censorship of the Japanese Empire. The political theatre in liberation era was the left drama inherited from Proletarian theatre of the colonial era. Korean Theatre alliance took lead the theatrical world unfold activities based on theatre popularization theory such as 'culture activists' taking a jump up the line and 'independent theatre' peeping into production spot as well as the important event, Independence Movement Day Memorial tournament theatre. Since 1947, US army military government in Korea strongly oppressed the left performances to stop and theatrical movement was ended due to many left theatrical people defection to North Korea. The political theatre in 1960s to 70s the Park regime, developed in dramatically different ways according to orthodox group and group out of power. The political theatre of institutional system handled judgment on sterile people and had indirect political theatre from that took history material and allegory technique because of censorship. In political theatre out of institution, it started outdoor theatre that has modernized traditional performance style and established deep relationship with labor spot and culture movement organizations. Madangguek(Outdoor theatre) is 'Attentive political theatre', satirizing and offending the political and social inconsistencies such as the dictatorial government's oppression and unbalanced distribution, alienation of general people, and foreign powers' pillage sharply as well as laughing at the Establishment with negative characters. The political theatre in 1980s is divided into two categories; political theatre of institutional system and Madangguek. Institutional Political theatre mainly performed in Korea Theatre Festival and the theatre group 'Yeonwoo-Moudae' led political theatre as private theatre company. Madangguek developed into an outdoor theatrical for indoor theatre capturing postcolonial historical view. Yeonwoo-Moudae theatre company produced representative political plays at 80s such as The chronicles of Han's, Birds fly away too, and so on by combining freewheeling play spirit of Madangguek and epic theatre. Political theatre was all the rage since the age of democratization started in 1987 and political materials has been freed from ban. However, political theatre was slowly declined as real socialism was crumbling and postmodernism is becoming the spirit of the times. After 90s, there are no more plays of ideology and propaganda that aim at politicization of theatre. As the age rapidly entered into the age of deideology, political theatre discourse also changed greatly. The concept 'the political' became influential as a new political possibility that stands up to neoliberalism system in the evasion of politics. Rather than reenact political issues, it experiments new political theatre that involves something political by deconstructing and reassigning audience's political sense with provocative forms, staging others and drawing discussion about it.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.1
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• pp.84-97
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• 2016

One of the assimilation policies of Japanese imperialism for the permanent domination in the colonial Joseon is the theory of integration of Japan and Joseon. The theory of integration of Japan and Joseon is a logic that Joseon (Korea) and Japan (Wae) were connected to the same ancestor on the basis of ancient myths. Also it is the assimilation ideology to justify the Colonial rule of those days through the objectification of historical identity or affinity of political and cultural relations of ancient Korean peninsula and Japan (Wae). Japan reorganized our history to meet the colonial point of view, as part of the assimilation policies based on the theory of integration of Japan and Joseon. On the other hand Japan attempted to objectify them through archaeological research and the reinterpretation of the historical remains. The survey, reinterpretation and tourist of the historic sites in historic cities such as Gyeongju and Buyeo were promoted in this context. In particular, the Buyeo, a capital of Baekje, was emphasized upon the close relevance and affinity between Sabi, Baekje and ancient Asuka (飛鳥) in Japan through research and reinterpretation on the Historic Sites. Based on them, Historic Sites Tourism was conducted by reconstructed historic sites toward the colonial Korean. In addition, after the Sino-Japanese war in 1937, Japan tried to realize the politics of space by upgrading and idealizing Buyeo as homeland or Shinto (神都) related to Japanese ancient mythology of the Asuka culture. This paper investigated in what context research, reinterpret and tourist of the historic sites progressed on Buyeo area and how it had soaked through the general public in the Japanese colonial era. First, it is on historic sites. Historic sites research on Buyeo area made an attempt by Sekino Tadashi in 1909 for the first time and the re-excavation of the old burial mounds and temple sites during the Japanese colonial period. Sekino set up a cultural relationship and influences between the ancient China (梁), Korea (百濟) and Japan (倭). Also, he emphasized that Sabi, Baekje largely received influence of Chinese culture and Baekje and Japan Asuka culture had closely relations and affinity. These views had been consistent during the Japanese colonial period. Second, it is the reinterpretation on Historic sites. Buyeo Historic Sites Preservation Society (Buyeo Gojeok Bojonhoe) was established in 1915 and Osaka Kintaro, curator of Baekje exhibition hall redefined the relationship between ancient Japan and Baekje as perspective of the assimilation ideology through the post contextual interpretation. In particular, they emphasized on the close relevance between Baekje's Historic sites and Japan, through the reinterpretation of Nakhwaam, Goransa and Cheongmasanseong. Third, it is the tourist on Historic sites. Buyeo Historic Sites Preservation Society played a leading role in Tourist on Historic sites at the Buyeo region. The main tourist destinations and course were restructured through a reinterpretation on the historic sites. Japan would like to show Buyeo as ideology area, homeland of ancient Japanese culture, toward the Koreans under Japanese colonial era. Thus, research, reinterpretation, and tourism on Historic sites were promoted while they were closely related to each other. The promoting body was Joseon Chongdokbu and pro-Japanese interest group. It's point was 'made' and 'shown' by the eyes of others and a rediscovery of Buyeo as representational space of colony.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.1
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• pp.109-144
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• 2003

Orientalness is a concept that expresses the collective identity of the Orient in relation to the West. The concept itself is mutable and defined by the relationship between the two regions at different points in time. Changes in the concept depend on a number of factors, such as cultural influence, the political balance of power between the two regions, and on the interpretative scheme that defines the relationship. In addition, the geographical notion of the concept evolves culturally, socially and politically. During this process, Oriental-ness becomes Oriental-ism at times. I will attempt to survey and measure the progression of Orientalness from its emergence in early 17th century to its subsequent transformation in modern Korea as reflected in art theory and art works. The recognition of the comparative characteristics of Oriental art began when the Orient was exposed to the art of the West in the late Ming dynasty during the early 17th century. The changes in the artistic climate in China affected the late Chosun. I will start with a brief introduction of this time and the birth of Orientalness. The concept gradually changed during the period of Enlightenment(開化期) towards the end of the 19th century, and during the colonial period( 1910-1945) it took on a new form. Establishment of the concept of "Orient"as a single, unifying concept spanning across cultures and national boundaries has been attributed to late Meiji period Japan, whose intention at that time is believed to have been to build a pan-Asia(亞細亞) empire with Japan at its commanding center. It has been stressed that the real motive behind the formation of one single cultural unit, where the shared common written language was Chinese and Confucianism and Taoism were the common metaphysical traditions, was to build one political unit. When the notion of a geographical unit of Asia was replaced by the concept of Asia as a cultural and political unit, a massive growth of interest and discourse were provoked around the concept of Orientalism. When Orientalism was being formulated, Korea automatically became member of "one Asia" when the country became colonized. For Koreans, the identity of the Orient had to be defined in cultural terms, as the political notion of a nation was non-existent at that time. The definition of identity was pursued at two levels, pan-Asian and local. If Orientalism was an elite discourse centered in pan-Asian philosophical and religious tradition, localized Orientalism was a popular discourse emphasizing locality as the byproduct of natural geographic condition. After the liberation in 1945 from colonial rule, a thrust of movement arose towards political nationalism. Two types of discourses on Orientalism, elite and popular, continued as central themes in art. Despite the effort to redefine the national identity by eradicating the cultural language of the colonial past, the past was enduring well into the present time. As discussed above, even when the painting themes were selected from Korean history, the tradition of using history painting as a manifestation of political policy to glorify the local identity had its founding during the Meiji period. The elevation of folk art to the level of high art also goes back to the colonial promotion of local color and local sentiment. Again, the succession of the past (colonial) ideal was defended as the tradition assumed a distinct modern shape that was abstract in style. The concept of the "Orient" is of relative and changing nature. It was formulated in relation to Western culture or civilization. Whatever the real motive of the adoption of them had been, the superiority of the Orient was emphasized at all times. The essence of the Orient was always perceived as the metaphysical tradition as a way to downgrade Western culture as materialistic. This view still prevails and the principle of Orient was always sought in Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. Even when Orientalism was employed by imperialist Japan in an effort to establish her position as the center of the Orient, the spiritual source was still in Chinese philosophy and religion. In art also, the Chinese literati tradition became the major platform for elite discourse. Orientalism was also defined locally, and the so-called local color was pursued in terms of theme and style. Thus trend continued despite the effort to eradicate the remnants of colonial culture long after liberation. These efforts are now being supported politically and also institutionalized to become the aesthetic ideal of the modern Korean art.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.15 no.10
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• pp.46-55
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• 2015

This study is to re-read Yun, Baek-nam(1888-1954)'s editorial "Theatre and Society" from the perspective of postcolonial criticism. He was a man of the theatre who pursued practical interests in compliance with the colonial reality under the rule of the Japanese imperialism. His advocacy of theatre development work was based on the Japan-directional reformism and on Japan-friendly in following after Japan's improvement policy. His general discussion on Western theatre history had considerable errors as a result of focus on the social role and utility of the theatre. But his vindication of theatre-actor opened an era of interaction between theatre and intelligence in Korea. In addition, his enlightening view of a theatre became such as one of the cornerstones for the Shinkug Movement during Japanese colonial period in Korea.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.213-241
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• 2017

The systematic research on the Joseon history under Japanese imperialism in the 1920s, including that of the Joseon History Compilation Committee, was one of the stratagems that Japan employed to perpetuate the colonization of Joseon. The 'renovation of national traits', one of the three cultural measures taken by Japanese imperialism after the 1919 Independence Movement, was an attempt to degrade Joseon's nationality as extraneous, dependent, factional, and uncivilized. Against this, Koreans tried to create their own tradition that could prove Joseon's uniqueness and independence. The purpose of their study on ancient history, which became animated in the 1920s, was not to escape from the reality of Joseon into the idealized past, but to construct the history of Korean people anew. In this context, Dangun could refer to cultural identity as the communal origin of the nation, and this invented identity could lead to the healing of the injured subject. An Hwak's attempt was part of this efforts to call out myth as history. He suggests that Joseon's national traits are superior even to the Western civilization in several ways, and his vast plan to set up Joseon's cultural uniqueness and identity as history of universal civilization bore fruit in the History of Joseon Civilization. With cultural research for figuring out Joseon's national peculiarity and identity and historiography for revealing Joseon's national potential, he makes it possible for people to imagine various agents in the Joseon's past as belonging to a single nation with an identical history. Through his study on Joseon, he fought back the Japanese colonial view of history and tried to exalt national consciousness. Asserting independent and rational individuals as agency of civilization and culture though firm in the national perspective, he eventually went a way quite different from that of Japanese history of culture.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.40
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• pp.61-96
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• 2010

This research established that the two characteristics of Femail Gugguek were explored on the character as genre and the nationalism discourse. This research also included how to encounter the characteristic of Female Gugguek as a popular entertainment with the social context at the time and how to re-produce the social ideology. The 'historical nationalism narrative' piercing Female Gugguek had the close relation with the nation/state discourse of the time. The history reproduced by Female Gugguek was not real. It was the imagined past, the history as image. The Female Gugguek was a genre which typically showed how to intermediate fantasy, ideology and narrative. The happy-endings with the victory of male hero, the narrative pattern on overcoming national crisis, the narrative emphasizing the glorious past and the unification of nation, all these were projected the discourse on nationalistic ideology and nation/state-making in 1950's. The Utopian desire of Female Guggeuk imagining the glorious past and strong nation was the fantasy which concealed the contradiction in real life and the national identity damaged by colonial experience, division of territory, governance by U.S. Military Government and the Korean War. The Female Guggeuk was doing well, because it had amusement. Futhermore, imagination of glorious past and strong state/nation of Female Guggeuk satisfied the public's desire of escapism and wish to establish their position and identity in the rapid social-economic changes. However, Female Guggeuk repeatedly produced the never-changing characters, narrative pattern and conservative world-view. Thus, it became regarded as immature and obsolete thing in late 1950's. Female Guggeuk, which kept re-producing the retrogressive image of the past without modern viewpoint and interpretation, was not sensitive about change of time and trend of the people. Consequently, it was pushed out of people's major interest.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.5
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• pp.252-305
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• 1992

The Korean Medicine in the middle period of the Chosun Dynasty, with its clear independence, has made an excellent display of originality and superiority in the world medicine. By pinpointing its merits, classifying its lineal descent, and examining its relation with present Korean Medicine we can draw the following conclusions. First, the study on the history of Korean Medicine should, in terms of time, grasp the generational stream and, in terms of space, examine the relation with medicines of neighbouring countries, with both an inner and outer way of observing. Secondly, it is but a manifestation of the colonial view of history to classify the 460 years from Tae-jo(太祖) to Cheol-jong(哲宗) as Mordern Period of Korean Medicine. Therefore, the 250-year period between the mid-16th century of Myung-jong(明宗) to the late-18th century of later Jeong-jo(正祖), which saw a pivotal development of the national medicine as a practical medicine based on experiences, should be established as the period of Korean Medicine in the mid-Chosun dynasty. It is required from both nationalistic view of history and history as a positive science. Thirdly, Korean Medicine in the mid-Chosun period was developed with an emphasis on an independent development and creative succession of the national medicine, which was succeeded to the late-Chosun period. Fourthly, medical thought in the mid-Chosun period was much influenced by, and based on the practicality of, Shil-hak(or practical science : 實學) as was the current of the times. Fifthly, though medicine in the mid-Chosun period was generally developed, the recipes for the measles, epidemic and smallpox were especially developed owing to rage of epidemics, and the development of the acupunture as a military medicine was the most c lear because of the two major wars against the Japanese and Chinese, respectively in 1592 and 1636. Sixthly, Whang doh-yeon(黃道淵)'s Bangyak-happyeon(方藥合編), Lee je-mah(李濟馬)'s Tongui-susebawon(東醫壽世保元) and Lee kyu-jun(李奎晙)'s Uigam-jungma(醫鑑重磨) are representative medical books, in the late-Chosun period, which creatively succeeded national medicine. Seventhly, the lineage of national medicine flows from Hyangyak-jipseongbang(鄕樂集成方) Uibangryuchui(醫方類聚) Gugeupbang(救急方) to Uirimchualyo(醫林撮要) Tonguibogam(東醫寶鑑) Uimunbogam(醫門寶鑑) Jejung-sinpyeon(濟衆新編) and to Bangyak-happyeon(方藥合編) Tongui-susebawon(東醫壽世保元) Uigam-jungma(醫鑑重磨). These books are representative medical books in the early middle and late Chosun period respectively. On the basis of the above facts, it is clear that the orthodoxy of national medicine is in the direction of a creative succession and that is the best way to keep the spirit of Korean medicine today.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.3
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• pp.22-44
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• 2022

Lacquer, in addition to high-end crafts such as lacquerware inlaid with mother-of-pearl, was an important strategic material used in a wide range of fields such as industry, architecture, and munitions during the Japanese colonial era. In particular, as the demand for lacquer used in munitions soared in the 1940s when the war started, a ticket system was introduced to restrict its distribution. Meanwhile, Japan experienced a chronic shortage of lacquer as a result of the rapidly increasing demand for it, and thus went on to import Chinese lacquer after the late 19th century. After the 1910s, the market share of Chinese lacquer reached 90%, and the local situation in China began to affect the supply and demand for lacquer in Japan. To counteract the issue, the Japanese government increased the production of lacquer in Joseon. As for the project to increase lacquer production in Joseon, objective indicators were prepared through a number of tests in the 1910s and 20s, which paved the way for the project to begin in earnest in the 1930s. Lacquer trees were planted and training classes on how to collect lacquer were held throughout the country. The Japanese government promoted the lacquer production industry as a promising side job for Koreans. The project, implemented in various parts of the country, reaped fruitful results, and it provided the basis for lacquer production in Korea that has continued to this day. At that time, the major regions in the southern part of the country where the project was concentrated were Wonju, Okcheon, and Hamyang, regions that are still known today as major production sites. The improved method of collecting lacquer taught to Koreans by the Japanese has now become the main method of collecting lacquer in Korea. This study attempts to identify the current status of the project to increase lacquer production through various records from the Japanese colonial era with a view to contributing to the study of modern lacquer craft history.