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Association between physical activity and periodontitis according to depression among Korean adults (한국 성인의 우울증 여부에 따른 신체활동과 치주질환 간 관련성)

  • Hye-Rim Jeon;Soo-Myoung Bae;Hyo-Jin Lee
    • Journal of Korean Dental Hygiene Science
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    • v.7 no.1
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    • pp.69-81
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    • 2024
  • Background: This study aimed to investigate the association between physical activity and periodontitis based on depression status in a representative sample of Korean adults. Methods: A total of 12,689 subjects who participated in the 7th Korea National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (2016-2018) were examined. Depression was defined as a PHQ-9 score ≥ 10. Periodontal status was assessed using the community periodontal index, with periodontitis defined as a code ≥ 3. Physical activity categories were divided into a physical activity group and a non-physical activity group, considering the number of days and minutes spent on moderate and vigorous activities. Moderate activity was defined as causing slight breathlessness or a slightly elevated heart rate, while vigorous activity was defined as causing significant breathlessness or a rapid heart rate. Multivariable logistic regression analyses were adjusted for sociodemographic variables (age, sex, education level, and household income), oral and general health behaviors (use of floss and interdental proximal brush, current smoking), and systemic health status (diabetes and hypertension). All analyses utilized a complex sampling design, and subgroup analysis was performed to estimate associations stratified by depression (PHQ-9 ≤ 9 and ≥ 10). Results: Multivariable regression analysis revealed that among participants with depression, those who did not engage in physical activity were 2.65 times more likely to have periodontitis (odds ratio = 2.65, 95% confidence interval = 1.17-6.01). Conclusion: The study findings suggest that individuals who participate in any form of physical activity may be significantly less likely to develop periodontitis, particularly within the group experiencing depression.

Association between the usage of dental floss and interdental brushes and the prevalence of systemic diseases (치실 및 치간칫솔 사용과 전신질환 유병률의 연관성)

  • Seon-Jip Kim;Hye-Jin Kwon;Hyun-Jae Cho
    • Journal of Korean Dental Hygiene Science
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    • v.7 no.1
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    • pp.17-28
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    • 2024
  • Background: Oral health has a significant impact on systemic health, and the close association between oral and systemic diseases has been continuously reported. To prevent oral diseases, the role of oral hygiene products such as dental floss and interdental brushes, in addition to tooth brushing, is becoming increasingly important. This study aims to analyze the effect of using oral hygiene products on the lifetime prevalence of systemic diseases among Korean adults. Methods: This study utilized data from the 7th Korea National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (2016-2018). The study population consisted of 13,199 adults aged 19 years and older. The independent variable was the use of oral hygiene products, and the dependent variable was the prevalence of systemic diseases diagnosed by a physician. Demographic variables, health status, and behavioral variables were included as covariates, and multivariable logistic regression analysis was performed. Results: The use of dental floss showed no significant association with the prevalence of systemic diseases. However, those who did not use interdental brushes had a 22% lower likelihood of dyslipidemia (OR 0.777, 95% CI 0.660-0.913). Among participants with periodontal disease, those who did not use dental floss had a significantly higher risk of myocardial infarction (OR 11.488, 95% CI 1.438-91.772). Conversely, those who did not use interdental brushes had lower risks of dyslipidemia, myocardial infarction, and angina, particularly among women and individuals under 65 years of age. Conclusion: This study found a low overall association between the use of oral hygiene products and the prevalence of systemic diseases, but there was a notable association with cardiovascular diseases. To reduce the risk of myocardial infarction, the prevention and treatment of periodontal disease, along with proper oral hygiene management, are crucial. Future prospective studies are needed to clearly establish the causal relationship between oral hygiene and systemic diseases.

Determination of Therapeutic Dose of I-131 for First High Dose Radioiodine Therapy in Patients with Differentiated Thyroid Cancer: Comparison of Usefulness between Pathological Staging, Serum Thyroglobulin Level and Finding of I-123 Whole Body Scan (분화 갑상선암 수술 후 최초 고용량 방사성옥소 치료시 투여용량 결정: 병리적 병기, 혈청 갑상선글로불린치와 I-123 전신 스캔의 유용성 비교)

  • Jeong, Hwan-Jeong;Lim, Seok-Tae;Youn, Hyun-Jo;Sohn, Myung-Hee
    • Nuclear Medicine and Molecular Imaging
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    • v.42 no.4
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    • pp.301-306
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    • 2008
  • Purpose: Recently, a number of patients needed total thyroidectomy and high dose radioiodine therapy (HD-RAI) get increased more. The aim of this study is to evaluate whether pathological staging (PS) and serum thyroglobulin (sTG) level could replace the diagnostic I-123 scan for the determination of therapeutic dose of HD-RAI in patients with differentiated thyroid cancer. Materials and Methods: Fifty eight patients (M:F=13;45, age $44.5{\pm}11.5\;yrs$) who underwent total thyroidectomy and central or regional lymph node dissection due to differentiated thyroid cancer were enrolled. Diagnostic scan of I-123 and sTG assay were also performed on off state of thyroid hormone. The therapeutic doses of I-131 (TD) were determined by the extent of uptakes on diagnostic I-123 scan as a gold standard. PS was graded by the criteria recommended in 6th edition of AJCC cancer staging manual except consideration of age. For comparison of the determination of therapeutic doses, PS and sTG were compared with the results of I-123 scan. Results: All patients were underwent HD-RAI. Among them, five patients (8.6%) were treated with 100 mCi of I-131, fourty three (74.1%) with 150 mCi, six (10.3%) with 180 mCi, three (5.2%) with 200 mCi, and one (1.7%) with 250 mCi, respectively. On the assessment of PS, average TDs were $154{\pm}25\;mCi$ in stage I (n=9), $175{\pm}50\;mCi$ in stage II (n=4), $149{\pm}21\;mCi$ in stage III (n=38), and $161{\pm}20\;mCi$ in stage IV (n=7). The statistical significance was not shown between PS and TD (p=0.169). Among fifty two patients who had available sTG, 25 patients (48.1%) having below 2 ng/mL of sTG were treated with $149{\pm}26\;mCi$ of I-131, 9 patients (17.3%) having $2{\leq}\;sTG\;<5\;ng/mL$ with $156{\pm}17\;mCi$, 5 patients (9.6%) having $5{\leq}\;sTG\;<10\;ng/mL$ with $156{\pm}13\;mCi$, 7 patients (13.5%) having $10{\leq}sTG\;<50\;ng/mL$ with $147{\pm}24\;mCi$, and 6 patients (11.5%) having above 50 ng/mL with $175{\pm}42\;mCi$. The statistical significance between sTG level and TD (p=0.252) was not shown. Conclusion: In conclusion, PS and sTG could not replace the determination of TD using I-123 scan for first HD-RAI in patients with differentiated thyroid cancer.

Liability of the Compensation for Damage Caused by the International Passenger's Carrier by Air in Montreal Convention (몬트리올조약에 있어 국제항공여객운송인의 손해배상책임)

  • Kim, Doo-Hwan
    • The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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    • v.18
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    • pp.9-39
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    • 2003
  • The rule of the Warsaw Convention of 1929 are well known and still being all over the world. The Warsaw Convention is undoubtedly the most widely accepted private international air law treaty with some 140 countries. In the international legal system for air transportation, the Warsaw Convention has played a major role for more than half century, and has been revised many times in consideration of the rapid developments of air high technology, changes of social and economic circumstances, need for the protection of passengers. Some amendments became effective, but others are still not effective. As a result, the whole international legal system for air transportation is at past so complicated and tangled. However, the 'Warsaw system' consists of the Warsaw Convention of 1929 the Guadalajara Convention of 1961, a supplementary convention, and the following six protocols: (1) the Hague Protocol of 1955, (2) the Guatemala Protocol of 1971, (3) the Montreal Additional Protocols, No.1, (4) the Montreal Additional Protocol No.2, (5) the Montreal Additional Protocol No.3, and (6) the Montreal Additional Protocol No.4. of 1975. As a fundamental principle of the air carrier's liability in the international convention and protocols, for instance in the Warsaw Convention and the Hague Protocol, the principle of limited liability and a presumed fault system has been adopted. Subsequently, the Montreal Inter-carrier Agreement of 1966, the Guatemala City Protocol, the Montreal Additional Protocol No.3, and the Montreal Additional Protocol No. 4 of 1975 maintained the limited liability, but substituted the presumed liability system by an absolute liability, that is, strict liability system. The Warsaw System, which sets relatively low compensation limits for victims of aircraft accidents and regulates the limited liability for death and injury of air passengers, had become increasingly outdated. Japanese Airlines and Inter-carrier Agreement of International Air Transport Association in 1995 has been adopted the unlimited liability of air carrier in international flight. The IATA Inter-Carrier Agreement, in which airlines in international air transportation agree to waive the limit of damages, was long and hard in coming, but it was remarkable achievement given the political and economic realities of the world. IATA deserves enormous credit for bringing it about. The Warsaw System is controversial and questionable. In order to find rational solution to disputes between nations which adopted differing liability systems in international air transportation, we need to reform the liability of air carriers the 'Warsaw system' and fundamentally, to unify the liability system among the nations. The International Civil Aviation Organization(ICAO) will therefore reinforce its efforts to further promote a legal environment that adequately reflects the public interest and the needs of the parties involved. The ICAO Study Group met in April, 1998, together with the Drafting Committee. The time between the "Special Group on the Modernization and Consolidation of the 'Warsaw system'(SGMW)" and the Diplomatic Conference must be actively utilized to arrange for profound studies of the outstanding issues and for wide international consultations with a view to narrowing the scope of differences and preparing for a global international consensus. From 11 to 28 May 1999 the ICAO Headquarters at Montreal hosted a Diplomatic Conference convened to consider, with a view to adoption, a draft Convention intended to modernize and to integrate replace the instruments of the Warsaw system. The Council of ICAO convened this Conference under the Procedure for the Adoption of International Conventions. Some 525 participants from 121 Contracting States of ICAO attended, one non-contracting State, 11 observer delegations from international organizations, a total of 544 registered participants took part in the historic three-week conference which began on 10 May. The Conference was a success since it adopted a new Convention for the Unification of Certain Rules for International Carriage by Air. The 1999 Montreal Convention, created and signed by representatives of 52 countries at an international conference convened by ICAO at Montreal on May 28, 1999, came into effect on November 4, 2003. Representatives of 30 countries have now formally ratified the Convention under their respective national procedures and ratification of the United States, which was the 30th country to ratify, took place on September 5, 2003. Under Article 53.6 of the Montreal Convention, it enters into force on the 60th day following the deposit of the 30th instrument of ratification or acceptation. The United States' ratification was deposited with ICAO on September 5, 2003. The ICAO have succeeded in modernizing and consolidating a 70-year old system of international instruments of private international law into one legal instrument that will provide, for years to come, an adequate level of compensation for those involved in international aircraft accidents. An international diplomatic conference on air law by ICAO of 1999 succeeded in adopting a new regime for air carrier liability, replacing the Warsaw Convention and five other related legal instruments with a single convention that provided for unlimited liability in relation to passengers. Victims of international air accidents and their families will be better protected and compensated under the new Montreal Convention, which modernizes and consolidates a seventy-five year old system of international instruments of private international law into one legal instrument. A major feature of the new legal instrument is the concept of unlimited liability. Whereas the Warsaw Convention set a limit of 125,000 Gold Francs (approximately US$ 8,300) in case of death or injury to passengers, the Montreal Convention introduces a two-tier system. The first tier includes strict liability up to l00,000 Special Drawing Rights (SDR: approximately US$ 135,000), irrespective of a carrier's fault. The second tier is based on presumption of fault of a carrier and has no limit of liability. The 1999 Montreal Convention also includes the following main elements; 1. In cases of aircraft accidents, air carriers are called upon to provide advance payments, without delay, to assist entitled persons in meeting immediate economic needs; the amount of this initial payment will be subject to national law and will be deductable from the final settlement; 2. Air carriers must submit proof of insurance, thereby ensuring the availability of financial resources in cases of automatic payments or litigation; 3. The legal action for damages resulting from the death or injury of a passenger may be filed in the country where, at the time of the accident, the passenger had his or her principal and permanent residence, subject to certain conditions. The new Montreal Convention of 1999 included the 5th jurisdiction - the place of residence of the claimant. The acceptance of the 5th jurisdiction is a diplomatic victory for the US and it can be realistically expected that claimants' lawyers will use every opportunity to file the claim in the US jurisdiction - it brings advantages in the liberal system of discovery, much wider scope of compensable non-economic damages than anywhere else in the world and the jury system prone to very generous awards. 4. The facilitation in the recovery of damages without the need for lengthy litigation, and simplification and modernization of documentation related to passengers. In developing this new Montreal Convention, we were able to reach a delicate balance between the needs and interests of all partners in international civil aviation, States, the travelling public, air carriers and the transport industry. Unlike the Warsaw Convention, the threshold of l00,000 SDR specified by the Montreal Convention, as well as remaining liability limits in relation to air passengers and delay, are subject to periodic review and may be revised once every five years. The primary aim of unification of private law as well as the new Montreal Convention is not only to remove or to minimize the conflict of laws but also to avoid conflict of jurisdictions. In order to find a rational solution to disputes between nations which have adopted differing liability systems in international air transport, we need fundamentally to reform their countries's domestic air law based on the new Montreal Convention. It is a desirable and necessary for us to ratify rapidly the new Montreal Convention by the contracting states of lCAO including the Republic of Korea. According to the Korean and Japanese ideas, airlines should not only pay compensation to passengers immediately after the accident, but also the so-called 'condolence' money to the next of kin. Condolence money is a gift to help a dead person's spirit in the hereafter : it is given on account of the grief and sorrow suffered by the next of kin, and it has risen considerably over the years. The total amount of the Korean and Japanese claims in the case of death is calculated on the basis of the loss of earned income, funeral expenses and material demage (baggage etc.), plus condolence money. The economic and social change will be occurred continuously after conclusion of the new Montreal Convention. In addition, the real value of life and human right will be enhanced substantially. The amount of compensation for damage caused by aircraft accident has increased in dollar amount as well as in volume. All air carrier's liability should extend to loss of expectation of leisure activities, as well as to damage to property, and mental and physical injuries. When victims are not satisfied with the amount of the compensation for damage caused by aircraft accident for which an airline corporation is liable under the current liability system. I also would like to propose my opinion that it is reasonable and necessary for us to interpret broadly the meaning of the bodily injury on Article 17 of the new Montreal Convention so as to be included the mental injury and condolence. Furthermore, Korea and Japan has not existed the Air Transport Act regulated the civil liability of air carrier such as Air Transport Act (Luftverkehrsgestz) in Germany. It is necessary for us to enact "the Korean Air Transport Contract Act (provisional title)" in order to regulate the civil liability of air carrier including the protection of the victims and injured persons caused by aircraft accident.

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A Study on Health Awareness of Middle and High School Students in Yong Nam Area (영남지역(嶺南地域) 중고등학교학생(中高等學校學生)들의 보건의식행태조사(保健意識行態調査) 연구(硏究))

  • Kim, Hyung Nam;Nam, Chul Hyun
    • Journal of the Korean Society of School Health
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    • v.4 no.2
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    • pp.119-135
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    • 1991
  • The study was designed to gain necessary basic data order to grasp health knowledge, attitude, practice level of middle and high school students and to analyse th problem and to point out the method of improvement in the field of school health education. The survery was carried out through this reporter's interview for 2,400 students who attend to ten schools in Young Nam area during the period of a month from 25 the June to 25th July 1989. The result of this study can be summaried as follows. 1. The total number of answers on the question was 2,346. As for general characteristics the percent of female middle school students was 60.6% and the percent of male students was 77.7%, 45.9% of high school students was evening school students. 52.9% of middle school students and 42.3% of high school students were borne in rural area. 2. The percentage of unknown and misunderstanding for Epidemic Hepatitis infection was 46.3% of middle school students and 29.6% of high school students. 3. The percentage of unknown and misunderstanding for Epidemic Hemorrhage fever infection was 85.6% of middle school students and 66.9% of high school students. 4. The percentage of right knowledge for AIDS infection was 66.0% of middle school students and 90.4% of high school students. 5. The percentage of right knowledge for Typhoid infection was 47.8% of middle school students and 69.4% of high school students. 6. The percentage of unknown and misunderstanding for Tuberculosis infection was 71.6% of middle school students and 62.2% of high school students. 7. As for personal hygiene, the percentage of toothbrushing after every meal was high level : 44.2% of middle school students and 42.0% of high school students. 8. 60.9% of middle school students take a bath twice a week, 49.2% oh high school students take a bath a week. Times of bath of middle school students was higher than that of high school students. 9.The percentage of washing hand after using toilet was 42.1% of middle school students and 35.1% of high school students. 49.0% of middle school students and 55.1% of high school students wash hand sometimes after using toilet. 10. The percentage of change of underwear twice a week was 57.6% of middle school students and 49.8% of high school students. 11. The percentage of habit of unbalanced diet was 30.% of middle school students and 27.6% of high school students. 50.8% of middle school students and 51.7% of high school students have balanced diet. 12. Index of health practice of personal hygiene can be summarized as follows. A. A case of middle school students. 1) The percentage of health practice index in male and female was 49.6% and 48.1% respectively. Index of female students was higher than that of male students. 2) As for parent's occupation, public servants and company emplyee was upper level. Farming was low level. 3) As for income level, middle, level with 56.5% was highest in high income level and low level with 27.4% was highest in low income level. B. A case of high school students. 1) Middle level of health practice index was 46.0% of male students, upper and low level was 32.4% and 28.0% of female students respectively. 2) Middle level of health practice index was high in farming and company employee and upper level was high in commerce and service, low level with 60.0% was high in unemployed. 3) Upper practice index 35.7% appears in the rich and low practice index 38.3% appears in the poor. 13. Average points of Health practice about personal hygiene were as follows. (Full marks at 4). A. A case of middle school. Female (1.87 point) was higher than male (1.26 point). Night time (2.03 point) was higher than day time (1.66 point) and middle or small cities (2.17 point) are high than any other places. As for parent's occupation, students whose parents are company clerk get high marks (2.32) and ten students whose parent's job are service get next high marks (2.20). B. A case of high school. Female (1.53 point) was higher than male (1.22 point), as parents educational level were higher the point were higher, and as income level was higher, the points of health practice (1.78) were higher, and as for parents occupation, service get highest point (1.93) and commerce get next high point (1.86) public servant get low point (1.66). 14. The percentage of experience in smoking was 11.9% of middle school students and 60.9% of high school students. 15. The percentage of experience in inhalation of bond and administrating LSD was 4.3% of male middle school students, 8.4% of female middle school students, 6.9% of male high school students and 4.2% of female high school students. The knowledge level of communicable disease infection are very low in middle and high school students and practice level of personal hygiene are also very low. As a whole we can evaluate that middle and high school students are low level of health knowledge and practice. In conclusion, we must consider preparation for school health education program through establishing of health subjects in the carriculum, and securing of health education teachers and using materials and media program of health education. It is very important to establish macroscopic policy and strategy for public health education and to get people have right knowledge and practice for health.

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Antecedents of Manufacturer's Private Label Program Engagement : A Focus on Strategic Market Management Perspective (제조업체 Private Labels 도입의 선행요인 : 전략적 시장관리 관점을 중심으로)

  • Lim, Chae-Un;Yi, Ho-Taek
    • Journal of Distribution Research
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    • v.17 no.1
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    • pp.65-86
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    • 2012
  • The $20^{th}$ century was the era of manufacturer brands which built higher brand equity for consumers. Consumers moved from generic products of inconsistent quality produced by local factories in the $19^{th}$ century to branded products from global manufacturers and manufacturer brands reached consumers through distributors and retailers. Retailers were relatively small compared to their largest suppliers. However, sometime in the 1970s, things began to slowly change as retailers started to develop their own national chains and began international expansion, and consolidation of the retail industry from mom-and-pop stores to global players was well under way (Kumar and Steenkamp 2007, p.2) In South Korea, since the middle of the 1990s, the bulking up of retailers that started then has changed the balance of power between manufacturers and retailers. Retailer private labels, generally referred to as own labels, store brands, distributors own private-label, home brand or own label brand have also been performing strongly in every single local market (Bushman 1993; De Wulf et al. 2005). Private labels now account for one out of every five items sold every day in U.S. supermarkets, drug chains, and mass merchandisers (Kumar and Steenkamp 2007), and the market share in Western Europe is even larger (Euromonitor 2007). In the UK, grocery market share of private labels grew from 39% of sales in 2008 to 41% in 2010 (Marian 2010). Planet Retail (2007, p.1) recently concluded that "[PLs] are set for accelerated growth, with the majority of the world's leading grocers increasing their own label penetration." Private labels have gained wide attention both in the academic literature and popular business press and there is a glowing academic research to the perspective of manufacturers and retailers. Empirical research on private labels has mainly studies the factors explaining private labels market shares across product categories and/or retail chains (Dahr and Hoch 1997; Hoch and Banerji, 1993), factors influencing the private labels proneness of consumers (Baltas and Doyle 1998; Burton et al. 1998; Richardson et al. 1996) and factors how to react brand manufacturers towards PLs (Dunne and Narasimhan 1999; Hoch 1996; Quelch and Harding 1996; Verhoef et al. 2000). Nevertheless, empirical research on factors influencing the production in terms of a manufacturer-retailer is rather anecdotal than theory-based. The objective of this paper is to bridge the gap in these two types of research and explore the factors which influence on manufacturer's private label production based on two competing theories: S-C-P (Structure - Conduct - Performance) paradigm and resource-based theory. In order to do so, the authors used in-depth interview with marketing managers, reviewed retail press and research and presents the conceptual framework that integrates the major determinants of private labels production. From a manufacturer's perspective, supplying private labels often starts on a strategic basis. When a manufacturer engages in private labels, the manufacturer does not have to spend on advertising, retailer promotions or maintain a dedicated sales force. Moreover, if a manufacturer has weak marketing capabilities, the manufacturer can make use of retailer's marketing capability to produce private labels and lessen its marketing cost and increases its profit margin. Figure 1. is the theoretical framework based on a strategic market management perspective, integrated concept of both S-C-P paradigm and resource-based theory. The model includes one mediate variable, marketing capabilities, and the other moderate variable, competitive intensity. Manufacturer's national brand reputation, firm's marketing investment, and product portfolio, which are hypothesized to positively affected manufacturer's marketing capabilities. Then, marketing capabilities has negatively effected on private label production. Moderating effects of competitive intensity are hypothesized on the relationship between marketing capabilities and private label production. To verify the proposed research model and hypotheses, data were collected from 192 manufacturers (212 responses) who are producing private labels in South Korea. Cronbach's alpha test, explanatory / comfirmatory factor analysis, and correlation analysis were employed to validate hypotheses. The following results were drawing using structural equation modeling and all hypotheses are supported. Findings indicate that manufacturer's private label production is strongly related to its marketing capabilities. Consumer marketing capabilities, in turn, is directly connected with the 3 strategic factors (e.g., marketing investment, manufacturer's national brand reputation, and product portfolio). It is moderated by competitive intensity between marketing capabilities and private label production. In conclusion, this research may be the first study to investigate the reasons manufacturers engage in private labels based on two competing theoretic views, S-C-P paradigm and resource-based theory. The private label phenomenon has received growing attention by marketing scholars. In many industries, private labels represent formidable competition to manufacturer brands and manufacturers have a dilemma with selling to as well as competing with their retailers. The current study suggests key factors when manufacturers consider engaging in private label production.

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The Characteristics and Operation System of the Staff Officials at Jongbusi (Court of the Royal Clan) in the Late Joseon Period - Based on Jongbusi nangcheong seonsaengan (Register of Staff Officials at the Court of the Royal Clan) Kept at Jangseogak Archives (조선 후기 종부사(宗簿寺) 낭청(郎廳)의 실태 및 운영체계 - 장서각 소장 『종부사낭청선생안(宗簿寺郎廳先生案)』을 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Dong-geun
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.69
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    • pp.83-114
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    • 2017
  • The purpose of this article is to analyze the standings of working-level officials belonging to Jongbusi (Court of the Royal Clan) holding the rank of "jeong" and below between the 18th and mid-19th Century. Jongbusi, which was headed by a Grade-3 official, was in charge of the compilation of royal genealogy and supervision of royal relatives. During the late Joseon Period, its officials were composed of its chief, jeong, jubu (Grade-6 official), and jikjang (Grade-7 official). By 1864, it was incorporated into Jongchinbu (Office of the Royal Relatives). Jongbusi nangcheong seonsaengan (Register of Staff Officials at the Court of the Royal Clan), which is preserved at the Jangseogak Archives of the Academy of Korean Studies, lists the officials who served at the office between 1794 and its incorporation into Jongchinbu in 1864. The register also includes the officials' ranks, names, DOBs, family clans, their ranks in the offices they were transferred from, their ranks in the office they were transferred to, etc. Those interested view it as a precious relic that provides valuable information on the officialdom of the dynasty. A majority of the officials who served at Jongbusi were those who passed the higher civil service examination. Many of them at the level of jikjang were those who passed the licentiate examination. Their designation as an official was part of the "muneum" system, which granted official posts to descendants of those who accomplished a distinguished service for the country or served as a high-ranking official. They were those transferred from equal or lower positions in another office. Many of jubu-level officials of Jongbusi were those transferred from honorable and important posts of other offices or local administrative offices. Many of jikjang-level officials of Jongbusi were those who previously served as dosa (assistant officials) at Uigeumbu (Bureau of Crime Investigation) headed by a Grade-1 official. The officials' transfer to an office with a lower position like Jongbusi appears to have been for the provision of placing them in working-level positions rather than letting them remain in positions only carrying an honorary title. As for the transfer of officials of Jongbusi to other offices, many of those with the rank of jeong were transferred to lower positions. Supposedly it was because not many Grade-3 positions were vacant. Many of them were transferred to honorable and important posts. Some of them were also transferred to positions at local government offices, supposedly to avoid an excess of personnel at the central government. Those at the level of jubu or jikjang of Jongbusi were transferred to equal or higher posts in other offices. Particularly, most of those holding the position of jikjang (Grade-7) were transferred to higher posts. The family clan that produced the largest number (10%) of Jongbusi officials was the Jeonju Yi Clan, which produced the largest number of those who passed the higher civil service examination. It was also found that the top 20 family clans produced about half of the entirety of Jongbusi officials. According to the aforesaid Jongbusi nangcheong seonsaengan, about 90% of the cases of promotion of Jongbusi officials occurred after the revision of Seonwon boryak (Royal Genealogy of the Joseon Dynasty). It is speculated that the supervision of royal family members, one of the two leading functions assigned to Jongbusi, was suspended in the late Joseon Period. The relevant function does not appear even in chronicles pertaining to the Joseon Dynasty. The reason being had something to do with the sharp decrease in the number of royal family members during the reign of King Injo (r. 1623-1649). Their number was decreased to the extent that royal ceremonies could not be adequately carried out. Naturally, the meaning of supervising royal family members faded. Witnessing such a sorry state of the royal family, Heungseon Daewongun, King Gojong's father who served as the regent, incorporated Jongbusi into Jongchinbu in an effort to enhance the status and authority of the royal family.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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The Characteristics and Fates of Pulmonary Tuberculosis Patients Seen at Medical Department of A Medium Sized General Hospital (부산에 한 중형 종합 병원 내과에서의 폐결핵 환자의 양상과 귀결)

  • Kim, Young-Hyo;Park, Ki-Chan;Bae, Seong;Lee, Sang-Hun;Chun, Myung-Ho;Lee, Sang-Ki;Jun, Kwang-Su;Lee, Chan-Se
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • v.39 no.5
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    • pp.417-424
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    • 1992
  • Background: There were many reports about the clinical aspect and outcomes of pulmonary tuberculosis in health center but few in a medium sized general hospital. The purposes of this study were to find any characteristic differencies in the patients and the general outcomes of the treatments and also to give some suggestive points for the insurance policy making. Methods: We made a retrograde analysis of the medical records of 1981 patients (male 992 female 1,059) who attended our clinics of the 4th internal department, Daedong general hospital during two years from January 1989 to December 1990. Result: 1) Of 1981 patients, 96 were diagnosed as pulmonary tuberculosis taking relatively large proportion in the prevalence. The ratio of prevalence between male and female was 7.81% to 2.27%. The 61.46% were the first diagnosis & initial treatment cases and the remaining 38.54% were the retreatment cases with no statistical significance between sex. 2) The most prevalent age group was between 21~40 years old and the prevalence rate was 45.45% of male and 76.76% of female. The lowest age group in male patient was above 61 showed 3.03%, and there was no female patients above age 60 years old. This phenomena could be thought as the negligence for the treatment of pulmonary tuberculosis in the old age groups rather than true tuberculosis prevalence and it could be proved by the higher rates towards old age groups in the national tuberculosis prevalence survey. 3) There were 57.07% of the minimal case, 48.96% of the moderate, 18.75% of the far advanced. The sputum examination showed 37.07% were culture positive, 46.88% were the negative, and 15.63% of the patients had no stutum examination. Moreover, uncoperatives among the far advanced cases were notable showing 22.22% of the stutum examination, where 16.13% in the minimal cases. The stutum positive rate among the initial treatment cases were 41.07% and 55.00% for the retreatment cases. The sputum no examination rates were 17.86% and 12.50% respectively. 4) The classfication of the mode of disease onset showed 68.75% with gradual onset, 9.38% hemoptic, 3.13% acute pneumonic and 18.75% was found through the radiologic examination in various occasions. 5) The percentages of patients who continued their treatment for more than 8 month were 35.71% (for initial treatment), 25.00% (for retrement), 16.13% (for the minimal), 27.78% (for the far advanced). 6) The group of patients who were treated more than 8 months showed the negative conversion rate of 80% on sputum and marked improvement on chest x-ray in 56.67%. However, in far advanced or retreatment cases, the rate of negative conversion on sputum and the rate of improvement on chest x-ray were low being 60% and 20% for the former and 60% and 10% for the latter, each respectively. Conclusion: It would be strongly emphasized that the improvement of National medical insurance system and social welfare system in Korea must be definite to improve overall treatment and control of tuberculosis diseases as well as physician's devotious National tuberculosis control policy.

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Prophylactic and therapeutic studies on intestinal giant-cystic disease of the Israel carp caused by Thelophanellus kitauei II. Effects of physical and chemical factors on T. kitauei spores in vitro (향어의 장포자충(Thelohanellus kitauei)증의 예방 및 치료에 관한 기초적 연구 II. 물리화학적 요인이 장포자충 포자에 미치는 영향)

  • Lee, Jae-Gu;Kim, Jong-O;Park, Bae-Geun
    • Parasites, Hosts and Diseases
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    • v.28 no.4
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    • pp.241-252
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    • 1990
  • In a basic attempt to develop the prophylactic and therapeutic measures on intestinal giantcystic disease of the Israel carp, C), prinks carpio nudum, the effects of physical and chemical factors on viability or survival of the spores of Thelchcnellus kiteuei were checked in vitro by means of extrusion test on the polar filament. When the fresh spores suspended with 0.45% and 0.9% scdium chloride solution and distilled water were laid at $5^{\circ}C$ and $28^{\circ}C$ for short terms, the extrusion rates increased until the 3rd day, meanwhile when son;e of them were suspended with Tyrode's solution at $-70^{\circ}C$ the rates increased gradually until the 8th day. Viabilities of the spores suspended with 0.9% saline and added antibiotics to the suspension at $5^{\circ}C$ for long terms lasted for 997 days and 1, 256 days (presumed values) at maximum, respectively. The spores suspended with distilled water at $28^{\circ}C$ for long terms survived 152.4 days, but the spores suspended with Tyrode's solution at $-70^{\circ}C$ for long terms showed almost the same viable pattern as early freezing stages up to 780 days. The spores suspended with Tyrode's solution, frozen at $-70^{\circ}C$ and thawed at $5^{\circ}C$, showed the highest rate of extrusion of the polar filament. In the case of frozen spores, the extrusion rates during heating tend to become higher in accordance with the increase of frozen period, and the critical points of 180 day-frozen spores to be killed were generally 78.5 hr. at $60^{\circ}C$, 23.4 hr. at $70^{\circ}C$, 189.1 min. at $80^{\circ}C$ or 10.5 min. at $90^{\circ}C$. The longer the spores were frozen, the more time was needed for the death of spores after thawing; 20 days-17.4 days, 100 days-33.2 days, and 400 days-37.8 days. The longer the spores were frozen, the more time was needed for the death of spores at a conventional when they were dried air drying condition, 540 days-23.5 days, 160 days-21.0 days, and 20 days-14.4 days. On the other hand, the longer the spores were frozen, the more spores were dead rapidly when they were irradiated with 10W UV-ray; 100 days-26.0 hr, 300 days-21.9 hr, and 540 days-13.9 hr. The time needed for killing 200 days-frozen spores by various disinfectants at 1, 000 ppd was 5.2 min. by calcium oxide, 10.4 min. by potassium permanganate, 27.8 min. by malachite green and 14.3 hr. by formalin. Transient inhibitory effects of the extrusion of the polar filament were observed by various antiprotozoal and antifungal agents in the descending order of ketoconazole. metronidasole and dapsone. The above results presume that full drying, followed by spraying CaO and maintaining sunny condition for a few days on the concrete bottoms of knish farm may be an effective method for the prevention of intestinal giant.cystic disease.

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