• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• 제22권1호
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• pp.19-48
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• 1974

Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• 제32권1호
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• pp.36-63
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• 1976

The purpose of this study is to elucidate the genetic variation of the natural forest of Pinus densiflora. Three natural populations of the species, which are considered to be superior quality phenotypically, were selected. The locations and conditions of the populations are shown in table 1 and 2. The morphological traits of tree and needle and some other characteristics were presented already in our first report of this series in which population and family differences according to observed characteristics were statistically analyzed. Twenty trees were sampled from each populations, i.e., 60 trees in total. During the autumn of 1974, matured cones were collected from each tree and open-pollinated seeds were extracted in laboratory. Immediately after cone collection, in closed condition, the morphological characteristics were measured. Seed and seed-wing dimensions were also studied. In the spring of 1975, the seeds were sown in the experimental tree nursery located in Suweon. And in the April of 1976, the 1-0 seedlings were transplanted according to the predetermined experimental design, randomized block design with three replications. Because of cone setting condition. the number of family from which progenies were raised by populations were not equal. The numbers of family were 20 in population 1. 18 in population 2 and 15 in population 3. Then, each randomized block contained seedlings of 53 families from 3 populations. The present paper is mainly concerned with the variation of some characteristics of cone, seed, needle, growth performance of seedlings, and chlorophyll and monoterpene compositions of needles. The results obtained are summerized as follows. 1. The meteorological data obtained by averaging the records of 30 year period, observed from the nearest station to each location of populations, are shown in Fig. 3, 4, and 5. The distributional pattern of monthly precipitation are quite similar among locations. However, the precipitation density on population 2, Seosan area, during growing season is lower as compared to the other two populations. Population 1. Cheong-song area, and population 3, Pyong-chang area, are located in inland, but population 2 in the western seacoast. The differences on the average monthly air temperatures and the average monthly lowest temperatures among populations can hardly be found. 2. Available information on the each mother trees (families) studied, such as age, stem height, diameter at breast height, clear-bole-length, crown conditions and others are shown in table 6,7, and 8. 3. The measurements of fresh cone weight, length and the widest diameter of cone are given in Tab]e 9. All these traits arc concerned with the highly significant population differences and family differences within population. And the population difference was also found in the cone-index, that is, length-diameter ratio. 4. Seed-wing length and seed-wing width showed the population differences, and the family differences were also found in both characteristics. Not discussed in this paper, however, seed-wing colours and their shapes indicate the specificity which is inherent to individual trees as shown in photo 3 on page 50. The colour and shape are fully the expression of genetic make up of mother tree. The little variations on these traits are resulted from this reason. The significant differences among populations and among families were found in those characteristics, such as 1000-seed weight, seed length, seed width, and seed thickness as shown in table 11. As to all these dimensions, the values arc always larger in population 1 which is younger in age than that of the other two. The population differences evaluated by cone, seed and seed-wing sizes could partly be attributed to the growth vigorousity. 5. The values of correlation between the characteristics of cone and seed are presented in table 12. As shown, the positive correlations between cone diameter and seed-wing width were calculated in all populations studied. The correlation between seed-wing length and seed length was significantly positive in population 1 and 3 but not in population 2, that is, the r-value is so small as 0.002. in the latter. The correlation between cone length and seed-wing length was highly significant in population 1, but not in population 2. 6. Differences among progenies in growth performances, such as 1-0 and 1-1 seedling height and root collar diameter were highly singificant among populations as well as families within population(Table 13.) 7. The heritability values in narrow sense of population characteristics were estimated on the basis of variance components. The values based on seedling height at each age stage of 1-1 and 1-0 ranged from 0.146 to 0.288 and the values of root collar diameter from 0.060 to 0.130. (Table 14). These heritability values varied according to characteristics and seedling ages. Here what must be stated is that, for calculation of heritability values, the variance values of population was divided by the variance value of environment (error) and family and population. The present authors want to add the heritability values based on family level in the coming report. It might be considered that if the tree age is increased in furture, the heritability value is supposed to be altered or lowered. Examining the heritability values studied previously by many authors, in pine group at age of 7 to 15, the values of height growth ranged from 0.2 to 0.4 in general. The values we obtained are further below than these. 8. The correlation between seedling growth and seed characteristics were examined and the values resulted are shown in table 16. Contrary to our hypothetical premise of positive correlation between 1-0 seedling height and seed weight, non-significance on it was found. However, 1-0 seedling height correlated positively with seed length. And significant correlations between 1-0 and 1-1 seedling height are calculated. 9. The numbers of stomata row calculated separately by abaxial and adaxial side showed highly significant differences among populations, but not in serration density. On serration density, the differences among families within population were highly significant. (Table 17) A fact must be noted is that the correlation between stomata row on abaxial side and adaxial side was highly significant in all populations. Non-significances of correlation coefficient between progenies and parents regarding to stomata row on abaxial side were shown in all populations studied.(Table 18). 10. The contents of chhlorophyll b of the needle were a little more than that of chlorophyll a irrespective of the populations examined. The differences of chlorophyll a, b and a plus b contents were highly significant but not among families within populations as shown in table 20. The contents of chlorophyll a and b are presented by individual trees of each populations in table 21. 11. The occurrence of monoterpene components was examined by gas liquid chromatography (Shimazu, GC-1C type) to evaluate the population difference. There are some papers reporting the chemical geography of pines basing upon monoterpene composition. The number of populations studied here is not enough to state this problem. The kinds of monoterpene observed in needle were ${\alpha}$-pinene, camphene, ${\beta}$-pinene, myrcene, limonene, ${\beta}$-phellandrene and terpinolene plus two unknowns. In analysis of monoterpene composition, the number of sample trees varied with population, I.e., 18 families for population 1, 15 for population 2 and 11 for population3. (Table 22, 23 and 24). The histograms(Fig. 6) of 7 components of monoterpene by population show noticeably higher percentages of ${\alpha}$-pinene irrespective of population and ${\beta}$-phellandrene in the next order. The minor Pinus densiflora monoterpene composition of camphene, myrcene, limonene and terpinolene made up less than 10 percent of the portion in general. The average coefficients of variation of ${\alpha}$-pinene and ${\beta}$-phellandrene were 11 percent. On the contrary to this, the average coefficients of variation of camphene, limonene and terpinolene varied from 20 to 30 percent. And the significant differences between populaiton were observed only in myrcene and ${\beta}$-phellandrene. (Table 25).