• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.371-405
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• 2004

International circulation of cultural assets involves numerous countries thereby making an approach based on international law essential to resolving this problem. Since the end of the $2^{nd}$ World War, as the value of cultural assets evolved from material value to moral and ethical values, with emphasis on establishing national identities, newly independent nations and former colonial states took issue with ownership of cultural assets which led to the need for international cooperation and statutory provisions for the return of cultural assets. UNESCO's 1954 "Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict" as preparatory measures for the protection of cultural assets, the 1970 "Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property" to regulate transfer of cultural assets, and the 1995 "Unidroit Convention on Stolen or Illegally Exported Cultural Objects" which required the return of illegally acquired cultural property are examples of international agreements established on illegal transfers of cultural assets. In addition, the UN agency UNESCO established the Division of Cultural Heritage to oversee cultural assets related matters, and the UN since its 1973 resolution 3187, has continued to demonstrate interest in protection of cultural assets. The resolution 3187 affirms the return of cultural assets to the country of origin, advises on preventing illegal transfers of works of art and cultural assets, advises cataloguing cultural assets within the respective countries and, conclusively, recommends becoming a member of UNESCO, composing a forum for international cooperation. Differences in defining cultural assets pose a limitation on international agreements. While the 1954 Convention states that cultural assets are not limited to movable property and includes immovable property, the 1970 Convention's objective of 'Prohibiting and preventing the illicit import, export and transfer of ownership of cultural property' effectively limits the subject to tangible movable cultural property. The 1995 Convention also has tangible movable cultural property as its subject. On this point, the two conventions demonstrate distinction from the 1954 Convention and the 1972 Convention that focuses on immovable cultural property and natural property. The disparity in defining cultural property is due to the object and purpose of the convention and does not reflect an inherent divergence. In the case of Korea, beginning with the 1866 French invasion, 36 years of Japanese colonial rule, military rule and period of economic development caused outflow of numerous cultural assets to foreign countries. Of course, it is neither possible nor necessary to have all of these cultural properties returned, but among those that have significant value in establishing cultural and historical identity or those that have been taken symbolically as a demonstration of occupational rule can cause issues in their return. In these cases, the 1954 Convention and the ratification of the first legislation must be actively considered. In the return of cultural property, if the illicit acquisition is the core issue, it is a simple matter of following the international accords, while if it rises to the level of diplomatic discussions, it will become a political issue. In that case, the country requesting the return must convince the counterpart country. Realizing a response to the earnest need for preventing illicit trading of cultural assets will require extensive national and civic societal efforts in the East Asian area to overcome its current deficiencies. The most effective way to prevent illicit trading of cultural property is rapid circulation of information between Interpol member countries, which will require development of an internet based communication system as well as more effective deployment of legislation to prevent trading of illicitly acquired cultural property, subscription to international conventions and cataloguing collections.

• Journal of The Korean Society of Grassland and Forage Science
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• v.40 no.2
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• pp.98-105
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• 2020

This experiment was conducted to a comparison of the productivity according to variety and forage quality by plant parts of imported silage corn (Zea mays, L) in Pyeongchang. The corns evaluated in this experiment were 8 varieties (P1184, P1151, P1194, P1543, P1345, P1429, P1443, and P2105) introduced from the United States, Pioneer Hybrid Co. The harvested corn was divided into 5 plant parts (leaf, stem, cob, husk, and grain), and the ratio of each part was calculated using dry weight and the feed value was analyzed. The emergence rate of corn was generally good except for the P1151 and P2105 varieties. The average tasseling date was July 24^th and the silking date was July 27^th, but the P2105 variety was late to July 28^th and August 1^st, and the remaining varieties were similar. P1345 was the highest (289 and 123 cm), and P1151 varieties were the lowest (267 and 101 cm) in the plant and ear height. Disease resistance was low in P1184, P1443 and P1429, and P1197 and P1345 were high. In the case of stover, the dry matter (DM) content was the lowest at 19.6% in the P1151 and the highest at 24.9% in the P1429. DM content of ear was the highest in the P2105 (55.5%), and P1184 (54.2%) and P1345 (54.3%) were also significantly higher (p<0.05). The DM yield of stover of P2105, P1429 and P1194 varieties was significantly higher (p<0.05), and ear yield of P2105, P1345 and P1443 was higher. The proportions of each part of plants (leaf, stem, cob, husk, and grain) divided by 5 was high, with 50-60% of the ear(grain+cob) ratio. The ratio of husk and cob was roughly similar, and the leaf and stem part showed a ratio of about 20%. The crude protein (CP) content was highest in leaf, followed by grain. The CP content of the stem was the lowest, and the husk was not significantly different among the varieties (p>0.05). The acid detergent fiber (ADF) content was similar to the rest parts except grain, but the leaf part tended to be lower, and other parts except the stem and leaf showed no significant difference between varieties (p>0.05). There was no significant difference in NDF (neutral detergent fiber) content in husk, but there was a difference between varieties in other parts (p<0.05). In addition, there was a special difference by plant parts for each variety, P2015 on the stem, P1197 on the leaf, P1151 on the cob, P1197 on the husk, and P1197 on the grains with high NDF content. IVDMD (in vitro dry matter digestibility) was not significantly different between stems and grains, but there was a difference between varieties in cobs and husks. According to the results, DM yield of P2105 variety was the best in the experiment, and the ratio of grain was excellent in P1543 and P1345. In addition, it was found that the feed value was higher in the leaves and grains, and the leaf and stem had higher feed values than husk or cob.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.35-58
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• 2009

A treaty that governs the compensation on damage caused by aircraft to the third parties on surface was first adopted in Rome in 1933, but without support from the international aviation community it was replaced by another convention adopted again in Rome in 1952. Despite the increase of the compensation amount and some improvements to the old version, the Rome Convention 1952 with 49 State parties as of today is not considered universally accepted. Neither is the Montreal Protocol 1978 amending the Rome Convention 1952, with only 12 State parties excluding major aviation powers like USA, Japan, UK, and Germany. Consequently, it is mostly the local laws that apply to the compensation case of surface damage caused by the aircraft, contrary to the intention of those countries and people who involved themselves in the drafting of the early conventions on surface damage. The terrorist attacks 9/11 proved that even the strongest power in the world like the USA cannot with ease bear all the damages done to the third parties by the terrorist acts involving aircraft. Accordingly as a matter of urgency, the International Civil Aviation Organization(ICAO) picked up the matter and have it considered among member States for a few years through its Legal Committee before proposing for adoption as a new treaty in the Diplomatic Conference held in Montreal, Canada 20 April to 2 May 2009. Accordingly, two treaties based on the drafts of the Legal Committee were adopted in Montreal by consensus, one on the compensation for general risk damage caused by aircraft, the other one on compensation for damage from acts of unlawful interference involving aircraft. Both Conventions improved the old Convention/Protocol in many aspects. Deleting 'surface' in defining the damage to the third parties in the title and contents of the Conventions is the first improvement because the third party damage is not necessarily limited to surface on the soil and sea of the Earth. Thus Mid-air collision is now the new scope of application. Increasing compensation limit in big gallop is another improvement, so is the inclusion of the mental injury accompanied by bodily injury as the damage to be compensated. In fact, jurisprudence in recent years for cases of passengers in aircraft accident holds aircraft operators to be liable to such mental injuries. However, "Terror Convention" involving unlawful interference of aircraft has some unique provisions of innovation and others. While establishing the International Civil Aviation Compensation Fund to supplement, when necessary, the damages that exceed the limit to be covered by aircraft operators through insurance taking is an innovation, leaving the fate of the Convention to a State Party, implying in fact the USA, is harming its universality. Furthermore, taking into account the fact that the damage incurred by the terrorist acts, where ever it takes place targeting whichever sector or industry, are the domain of the State responsibility, imposing the burden of compensation resulting from terrorist acts in the air industry on the aircraft operators and passengers/shippers is a source of serious concern for the prospect of the Convention. This is more so when the risks of terrorist acts normally aimed at a few countries because of current international political situation are spread out to many innocent countries without quid pro quo.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Aviation and Aeronautics
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.38-53
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• 2007

In a seminal judgment of November 2002 (Case C-476/98) relating to the compatibility with Community laws of the 'nationality clause' in the 1996 amending protocol to the 1955 U.S.-German Air Services Agreement, the European Court of Justice(ECJ) decided that the provision constituted a measure of an intrinsically discriminatory nature and was thus contrary to the principle of national treatment established under Art. 52 of the EC Treaty. The Court, rejecting bluntly the German government' submissions relying on public policy grounds(Art. 56, EC Treaty), seemed content to declare and rule that the protocol provision requiring a contracting state party to ensure substantial ownership and effective control by its nationals of its designated airlines had violated the requirement of national treatment reserved for other Community Members under the salient Treaty provision. The German counterclaims against the Commission, although tantalizing not only from the perusal of the judgment but from the perspective of international air law, were nonetheless invariably correct and to the point. For such a clause has been justified to defend the 'fundamental interests of society from a serious threat' that may result from granting operating licenses or necessary technical authorizations to an airline company of a third country. Indeed, the nationality clause has been inserted in most of the liberal bilaterals to allow the parties to enforce their own national laws and regulations governing aviation safety and security. Such a clause is not targeted as a device for discriminating against the nationals of any third State. It simply acts as the minimum legal safeguards against aviation risk empowering a party to take legal control of the designated airlines. Unfortunately, the German call for the review of such a foremost objective and rationale underlying the nationality clause landed on the deaf ears of the Court which appeared quite happy not to take stock of the potential implications and consequences in its absence and of the legality under international law of the 'national treatment' requirement of Community laws. Again, while US law limits foreign shareholders to 24.9% of its airlines, the European Community limits non-EC ownership to 49%, precluding any ownership and effective control by foreign nationals of EC airlines, let alone any foreign takeover and merger. Given this, it appears inconsistent and unreasonable for the EC to demand, $vis-{\grave{a}}-vis$ a non-EC third State, national treatment for all of its Member States. The ECJ's decision was also wrongly premised on the precedence of Community laws over international law, and in particular, international air law. It simply is another form of asserting and enforcing de facto extraterritorial application of Community laws to a non-EC third country. Again, the ruling runs counter to an established rule of international law that a treaty does not, as a matter of principle, create either obligations or rights for a third State. Aside from the legal problems, the 'national treatment' may not be economically justified either, in light of the free-rider problem and resulting externalities or inefficiency. On the strength of international law and economics, therefore, airlines of Community Members other than the designated German and U.S. air carriers are neither eligible for traffic rights, nor entitled to operate between or 'free-ride' on the U.S. and German points. All in all and in all fairness, the European Court's ruling was nothing short of an outright condemnation of established rules and principles of international law and international air law. Nor is the national treatment requirement justified by the economic logic of deregulation or liberalization of aviation markets. Nor has the requirement much to do with fair competition and increased efficiency.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.48 no.2
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• pp.20-33
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• 2020

This study aims to examine the trends in the preservation of urban public parks with a focus on the international movement to acknowledge and preserve the heritage value of urban parks. First, the background in which the concept of "historic urban park" first appeared internationally, as well as the current situation were investigated. Then, the cases of the United Kingdom (UK), the United States (US), and Japan, all of which are already preserving and managing urban public parks, were analyzed. In the ICOMOS-IFLA Document on Historic Urban Public Parks, the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS), which is a group of specialists dedicated to the conservation and management of cultural heritage, mentions that it is necessary to maintain the social, intangible, aesthetic, ecological, and civic values of historic urban public parks. In addition, according to ICOMOS, it is necessary to preserve elements of parks, such as space composition, topography, light, and environment. The UK, the USA, and Japan have their own unique characteristics for the background of preserving urban parks, the preservation system, the selection of parks to be preserved, and the elements to be preserved within the park. The UK has categorized parks into certain types from each period and has tried to preserve the common elements in each type. The US has selected the parks to preserve by determining the meaning of the parks itself considering multiple aspects, embracing not only the physical form of the parks, but also the culture, monumentality, and social values. Recently, Japan began the preservation of historic urban parks as a matter of policy and started to implement a preservation policy by investigating modern parks that are believed to be worth preserving. Specialists in cultural heritage preservation have argued that the method of preservation of historic urban parks must differ from that of other parks or gardens. Nonetheless, observing cases in these three countries showed that, regardless of their administrative and legal systems regarding cultural heritage and urban public parks, their policies were still limited to preserving only the physical elements of parks. The direction and methodology for the preservation of historic urban parks must be developed further and elaborated upon in terms of the evolving concept and definition of heritage. Urban parks are where various historic values are accumulated, connoting historical meanings dealing with the memories of the parks and the urban dwellers. This study found that, worldwide, park management has been carried out in a way that the historic values of parks are respected and preserved. This global trend in preserving the historic values of urban public parks has significant implications for the management of urban public parks in Korea that are being formed and renewed repeatedly.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.4
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• pp.33-56
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• 2006

The cultural debates between conservatives and liberals at the end of the 1980s and in the early 1990s were termed as "culture wars." The "culture wars" involved a diverse range of controversial issues, such as the introduction of multicultural curricula in educational institutions, prayers in schools, whether to allow gays to serve openly in the military, and whether abortion should be permitted. The most heated debates of the "culture wars" regarding art raged over the NEA and the question of whether Andres Serrano's works should have been publicly funded, in addition to the exhibition "Robert Mapplethorpe: The Perfect Moment" which were charged as projecting "obscene" or "blasphemous" images. This paper examines the development of culture wars in art and focuses on several issues invoked by the NEA debates. However, it is not a detailed chronological investigation. Rather it pays attention to the several phases of the debates, analyzing and criticizing the clashes of the political and esthetical points of views between conservatives and liberals. How could NEA funding, a mere fraction of the federal budget, have become so critical for both sides(conservative and liberal), for politicians and artists' groups, and for academics and the general public? The art community was astounded by this chain of events; artists personally reviled, exhibitions withdrawn and under attack, the NEA budget threatened, all because of a few images. For conservative politicians, the NEA debate was not only a battle over the public funding of art, but a war over a larger social agenda, a war for "American values and cultures"based on the family, Christianity, the English language, and patriarchy. Conservative politicians argued the question was not one of "censorship" but of "sponsorship," since the NEA charter committed it to "helping museums better serve the citizens of the United States."Liberals and art communities argued that the attempt to restrict NEA funding violated the First Amendment rights of artists, namely "free speeches." "No matter how divided individuals are on matters of taste," Arthur C. Danto wrote, "freedom is in the interest of every citizen." The interesting phase is that both sides are actually borrowing one another's point of view when they are accompanied by art criticism. Kramer, representative of conservative art critic, objected the invasion of political contents or values in art, and struggled to keep art's own realm by promoting pure aesthetic values such as quality and beauty. But, when he talked about Mapplethorpe's works, he advocated political and ethical values. By contrast, art experts who argued for Mapplethorpe's works in the Cincinnati trial defended his work, ironically by ignoring its manifest sexual metaphor or content although they believed that the issues of AIDS and homosexuality in his work were to be freely expressed in the art form. They adopted a formalistic approach, for example, by comparing a child nude with putti, a traditional child-angel icon. For a while, NEA debates made art institutions, whether consciously or unconsciously, exert self-censorship, yet at the same time they were also producing positive aspects. To the majority of people, art was still regarded as belonging to the pure aesthetic realm away from political, economical, and social ones. These debates, however, were expanding the very perspective on the notion of what is art and of how art is produced, raising questions on art appreciation, representation, and power. The interesting fact remains: had the works not been swiped in NEA debates, could the Serrano's or Mapplethorpe's images gain the extent of power and acceptance that it has today?

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.43 no.1
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• pp.113-118
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• 2010

Due to diverse soil-forming environments and different purposes of the soil classification, numerous soil classification systems have been developed worldwide. The World Reference Base for Soil Resources (WRB) and the Soil Taxonomy of the United States are well-known in Korea. However, the German Soil Systematics based on somewhat different principles from the two former systems is little-known. The objective of this paper is therefore to give a short overview of the principles of the German Soil Systematics. The German Soil Systematics consists of a six-level hierarchical structure which comprises soil divisions, soil classes, soil types, soil subtypes, soil varieties, and soil subvarieties. Soils in Germany are firstly classified into one of four soil divisions according to the soil moist regime: terrestrial soils, semi-terrestrial soils, semi-subhydric/subhydric soils, and peats. Terrestrial soils are subdivided into 13 soil classes based on the stage of soil formation and the horizon differentiation. Semi-terrestrial soils are differentiated into four classes regarding the source of soil moist: groundwater, freshwater, saltwater, and seaside. Semi-subhydric/subhydric soils are subdivided into two classes: semi-subhydric and subhydric soils. Peats are classified into two classes of natural and anthropogenic origins. Classes can be compared to orders of the U.S. Taxonomy. Classes are subdivided into 29 soil types with regard to soil forming-processes for terrestrial soils, into 17 types with regard to the soil formation for semi-terrestrial soils, into five types with regard to the content of organic matter for semi-subhydric/subhydric soils, and also into five types with regard to peat-forming processes for peats. The soil mapping units in Germany are types, which can be additionally subdivided into ca. 220 subtypes, several thousands of varieties and subvarieties using detailed nuances of morphologic features of soil profile. Soil types can be compared to great groups of the U.S. Taxonomy.

• International Commerce and Information Review
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.199-224
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• 2013

Section I of Chapter III ('Obligations of the Buyer') in Part III ('Sale of Goods') of the CISG consists of six articles addressing one of the fundamental buyer obligations described in article 53 of the CISG: the obligation to pay the price. Although the amount of the price that the buyer must pay is usually specified in the contract, two articles in Section I contain rules governing the amount of the price in particular special circumstances: article 55 specifies a price when one is not fixed or provided for in the contract, and article 56 specifies the way to determine the price when it is 'fixed according to the weight of the goods'. The remaining four provisions in Section I relate to the manner of paying the price: they include rules on the buyer's obligation to take steps preparatory to and to comply with formalities required for paying the price (article 54); provisions on the place of payment (article 57) and the time for payment (article 58); and an article dispensing with the need for a formal demand for payment by the seller (article 59). Especially article 53 states the principal obligations of the buyer, and serves as an introduction to the provisions of Chapter III. As the CISG does not define what constitutes a 'sale of goods', article 53, in combination with article 30, also sheds light on this matter. The principal obligations of the buyer are to pay the price for and take delivery of the goods 'as required by the contract and this CISG'. From this phrase, as well as from article six of the CISG, it follows that, where the contract provides for the performance to take place in a manner that differs from that set forth in the CISG, the parties' agreement prevails.

• Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.139-154
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• 2010

The purpose of this study was to put forth of a future vision from examining of social contribution, future direction, and theoretical framework of home economics education and its cases of practice in educational setting. This study was carried with literature review, and results of study were as follows: First, home economics education should contribute to society through (1) educating individuals suffering from family tiredness to maintain autonomous lives free from distorted family ideology by being critically conscious of them in individual dimension, (2) educating individuals to develop a competence as a citizen to be critical of family ego-centric ideas and to participate and support communal life in family-social dimension, and (3) educating female and male students gender sensitivity and management of family life to be critical of gender discrimination ideology in gender dimension. Second, future home economics education should reinforce all round character education which let students develop their creativity and problem solving ability and foster students' wisdom of life with honesty and morality rather than merely acquiring knowledge in individual dimension. Third, this study employed Brown and Paolucci's conceptual scheme as a theoretical framework which focuses on the role of home economics education leading individuals and families as a changing agent. This framework let individuals and families to critically examine the social character and ideas provided by existing social, economical, and political systems, and to transform social character and ideas to build an ideal societal condition when there are any problems in them. Fourth, this study examined sample classroom instruction of Japan and FCCLA of United States of America to see how they educate students to become a changing agent. In conclusion, future vision of home economics education is to accomplish family revolution to sustain happy family relation and their family lives in which they feel pampered from achievement and free from distorted family ideology. For home economics to accomplish family revolution, it should strengthen education for empowerment, enlightenment, and autonomy. This study calls for immediate paradigm shift not as an occupational but as a practical-critical praxis subject matter for family revolution through home economics education.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.37-71
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• 2018

Since 2016, public and political interest on basic income has been increased beyond academic interest. The recent debate on basic income has expanded on issues regarding to the concrete implementation of basic income moving further than the debate on conception of the basic income in the abstract level. This study examines major critiques of basic income which was raised from social policy area and makes a counter-argument on these critiques. Major points summarized as follows. First, the problem of jobs and social insurance exclusion is not serious enough to call for basic income. Second, existing social security systems will be crowded out by excessive financial burden if basic income is introduced. Third, policies to cultivate citizens' capacities to cope with a technological change should be given priority over basic income. This study disputes these critiques by counter arguing four points. First, it is necessary to reconstruct welfare state based on basic income, given the labor market changes, such as long-term trend of employment change, newly emerging employment of platform companies, and inconsistency of platform labor and social insurance. Second, hypothesis of crowding-out effect on social security system is just a criticism that can be applied to the basic income initiative of the right-wing. Also, it is unable to find a logical basis or evidence of this hypothesis from the historical process of welfare state development or previous studies. Third, it is necessary to discuss how to reconfigure existing social security system and basic income which are complementary to each other and also have consistency with labor market as a configuration, not as a matter of choosing between basic income and social security system. Fourth, de-laborization does not mean a refusal to labor but a free choice, and the basic principle of social security is not needs but right. In conclusion, in order to develop more productive debate on basic income, it requires more sophisticated discussion and criticism from the point of view of the distributive justice; the debate on the sustainability of social insurance-centered welfare states; and debates on the political realization of basic income.