• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.34 no.7
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• pp.1018-1027
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• 2005

The purpose of this study was to investigate nutrients intake and health-related behaviors in elderly people residing in Gyeongsan-si, Gyeongbuk who have no problem in daily living. Information on general characteristics of the elderly, health-related behaviors and dietary habits were obtained by interview based on questionnare. Dietary nutrients intake data were obtained through the 24 recall method. The subject group of this study was composed of 113 males and 112 females, the average age being $73.1\pm6.06$ years old. In health related factors, $76.9\%$ of subjects exercised regularly. The rates of alcohol drinking and smoking showed to be $38.2\%\;and\;22.2\%$, respectively. There were many elderly with neuralgia, hypertension, and gastrointestinal disease, especially female were worse. Average heights of the subjects were lower than the standard established in the Korean Recommended Dietary Allowances, and average weights were similar to the standards. The mean BMI and WHR were 24.8 (male 23.7, female 25.7) and 0.92 (male 0.92, female 0.89), respectively. Most of the subjects had a regular meal pattern comsuming three meals a day, and many elderly, especially more than $79.5\%$ of female, prepared the meals for themselves. Mean daily energy intakes and RDA percentage of energy intakes of the male and female subjects were estimated as 1426.9kcal $(79.3\%)$ and 1381.3 kcal $(86.3\%)$, respectively. Mean daily intakes of nutrients were estimatied as 48.1g for protein, 411.3mg for calcium, 8.05mg for iron, 541.8 R.E. for vitamin A, 0.84mg for vitamin $B_1$, and 0.79mg for vitamin $B_2$. Most nutrients except protein, clacium, iron and vitamin $B_2$ were consumed over $75\%$ of the RDA. Female elderly showed significant lower intakes (p<0.05) for most of the nutrients except calcium, phosphorus and vitamin ethan the elderly male.

• Journal of the Speleological Society of Korea
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• no.68
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• pp.23-73
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• 2005

Purpose of study; The purpose of this study is specifically classified as two parts. The one is to attempt the chronological annals of Quaternary topographic surface through the study over the formation process of alluvial surfaces in our country, setting forth the alluvial surfaces lower-parts of Han River area, as the basic deposit, and comparing it to the marginal landform surfaces. The other is to attempt the classification of micro morphology based on the and condition premising the land use as a link for the regional development in the lower-parts of Han river area. Reasons why selected the Lower-parts of Han river area as study objects: 1. The change of river course in this area is very serve both in vertical and horizontal sides. With a situation it is very easy to know about the old geography related to the formation process of topography. 2. The component materials of gravel, sand, silt and clay are deposited in this area. Making it the available data, it is possible to consider about not oかy the formation process of topography but alsoon the development history to some extent. 3. The earthen vessel, a fossil shell fish, bone, cnarcoal and sea-weed are included in the alluvial deposition in this area. These can be also valuable data related to the chronological annals. 4. The bottom set conglometate beds is also included in the alluvial deposits. This can be also valuable data related to the research of geomorphological development. 5. Around of this area the medium landform surface, lower landform surface, pediment and basin, are existed, and these enable the comparison between the erosion surfaces and the alluvial surfaces. Approach : 1. Referring to the change of river beds, I have calculated the vertical and horizontal differences comparing the topographic map published in 1916 with that published in 1966 and through the field work 2. In classifying the landform, I have applied the method of micro morphological classification in accordance with the synthetic index based upon the land conditions, and furthermore used the classification method comparing the topographic map published in 1916 and in that of 1966. 3. I have accorded this classification with the classification by mapping through appliying the method of classification in the development history for the field work making the component materials as the available data. 4. I have used the component materials, which were picked up form the outcrop of 10 places and bored at 5 places, as the available data. 5. I have referred to Hydrological survey data of the ministry of Construction (since 1916) on the overflow of Han-river, and used geologic map of Seoul metropolitan area. Survey Data, and general map published in 1916 by the Japanese Army Survbey Dept., and map published in 1966 by the Construction Research Laboratory and ROK Army Survey Dept., respectively. Conclusion: 1. Classification of Morphology: I have added the historical consideration for development, making the component materials and fossil as the data, to the typical consideration in accordance with the map of summit level, reliefe and slope distribution. In connection with the erosion surface, I have divided into three classification such as high, medium and low-,level landform surfaces which were classified as high and low level landform surfaces in past. furthermore I have divided the low level landform surface two parts, namely upper-parts(200-300m) and bellow-parts(${\pm}100m$). Accordingly, we can recognize the three-parts of erosion surface including the medium level landform surface (500-600m) in this area. (see table 22). In condition with the alluvial surfaces I have classified as two landform surfaces (old and new) which was regarded as one face in past. Meamwhile, under the premise of land use, the synthetic, micro morphological classification based upon the land condition is as per the draw No. 19-1. This is the quite new method of classification which was at first attempted in this country. 2. I have learned that the change of river was most severe at seeing the river meandering rate from Dangjung-ni to Nanjido. As you seee the table and the vertical and horizontal change of river beds is justly proportionable to the river meandering rate. 3. It can be learned at seeing the analysis of component materials of alluvial deposits that the component from each other by areas, however, in the deposits relationship upper stream, and between upper parts and below parts I couldn't always find out the regular ones. 4. Having earthern vessel, shell bone, fossil charcoal and and seaweeds includen in the component materials such as gravel, clay, sand and silt in Dukso and Songpa deposits area. I have become to attempt the compilation of chronicle as yon see in the table 22. 5. In according to hearing of basemen excavation, the bottom set conglomerate beds of Dukso beds of Dukso-beds is 7m and Songpa-beds is 10m. In according to information of dredger it is approx. 20m in the down stream. 6. Making these two beds as the standard beds, I have compared it to other beds. 7 The coarse sand beds which is covering the clay-beds of Dukso-beds and Nanjidobeds is shown the existence of so-called erosion period which formed the gap among the alluvial deposits of stratum. The former has been proved by the sorting, bedding and roundness which was supplied by the main stream and later by the branch stream, respectively. 8. If the clay-beds of Dukeo-bed and Songpa-bed is called as being transgressive overlap, by the Eustatic movement after glacial age, the bottom set conglomerate beds shall be called as being regressive overlap at the holocene. This has the closest relationship with the basin formation movement of Seoul besides the Eustatic movement. 9. The silt-beds which is the main component of deposits of flood plain, is regarded as being deposited at the Holocene in the comb ceramic and plain pottery ages. This has the closest relationship with the change of river course and river beds.

• Journal of Chest Surgery
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• v.34 no.12
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• pp.917-923
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• 2001

Background : Bronchial sleeve resection for centrally located primary lung cancer is a lung-parenchyma-sparing operation in patients whose predicted postoperative lung function is expected to diminished markedly. Because of its potential bronchial anastomotic complications, it is considered to be an alternative to pneumonectomy. However, since sleeve lobectomy yielded survival results equal to at least those of pneumonectomy, as well as better functional results, it became and accepted standard procedure for patients with lung cancer who have anatomically suitable tumors, regardless of lung function. In this study, from analyzing of occurrence rate of postoperative complication and survival rate, we wish to investigate the validity of sleeve resection for primary lung cancer. Material and Method : From January 1989 to December 1998, 45 bronchial sleeve resections were carried out in the Department of Thoracic Surgery of Seoul National University Hospital. We included 40 men and 5 women, whose ages ranged from 23 to 72 years with mean age of 57 years. Histologic type was squamous cell carcinoma in 35 patients, adenocarcinoma in 7, and adenosquamous cell carcinoma in 1 patients. Right upper lobectomy was peformed in 24 patients, left upper lobectomy in 11, left lower lobectomy in 3, right lower lobectomy in 1, right middle lobecomy and right lower lobectomy in 3, right upper lobectomy and right middle lobecomy in 2, and left pneumonectomy in 1 patient. Postoperative stage was Ib in 11, IIa in 3, IIb in 16, IIIa in 13, and IIIb in 2 patients. Result: Postoperative complications were as follows; atelectasis in 9, persistent air leakage for more than 7 days was in 7 patients, prolonged pleural effusion for more than 2 weeks in 7, pneumonia in 2, chylothorax in 1, and disruption of anastomosis in 1. Hospital mortality was in 3 patients. During follow-up period, bronchial stricture at anastomotic site were found in 7 patients under bronchoscopy, Average follow-up duration of survivals(n=42) was 35.5$\pm$29 months. All of stage I patients were survived, and 3 year survival rate of stage II and III patients were 63%, 21%, respectively. According to Nstage, all of N0 patients were survived and 3 year survival rates of Nl and N2 were 63% and 28% respectively. Conclusion: We suggest that this sleeve resection, which is technically demanding, should be considered in patients with centrally located lung cancer, because ttlis lung-saving operation is safer than pneumonectomy and is equally curative.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.29 no.4 s.55
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• pp.785-799
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• 1996

We investigated the 1,004 workers who worked in a automobile factory to study the epidemiologic characterists of dermatoses due to cutting oils. Among the workers, 667(66.4%) answered the questionaire. They are belong to 5 departments of the factory-the Engine-Work(258 workers), Gasoline engine Assembly(210), Diesel engine Assembly(96), Power train Work(86), Power train Assembly(17). We measured the oil mist concentration in air of the departments and examined the workers who had dermatologic symptoms. The results were follows; 1) Oil mist concentration ; Of all measured points(52),9 points(17.2%) exeeded $5mg/m^3$- the time-weighed PEL-and one department had a upper confidence limit(95%) higher than $5mg/m^3$. 2) Dermatologists examined 213 workers. 172 of them complained any skin symptoms at that time - itching(32.5%), papule(21.6%), scale(15.7%), vesicle(12.5%) in order. The abnormal skin site found by dermatologist were palm(29.3%), finger & nail(24.6%), forearm(16.2%), back of hand(8.4%) in order. 3) As the result of physical examination, we found that 160 workers had skin diseases. Contact dermatitis was the most common; 69 workers had contact dermatitis alone(43.1%), 11 had contact dermatitis with acne(6.9%), 10 had contact dermatitis with folliculitis(6.3%), 1 had contact dermatitis with acne & folliculitis, and 1 had contact dermatitis with abnormal pigmentation. Others were folliculitis(9 workers, 5.6%), acne(8, 5.0%), folliculitis & acne (2, 1.2%), keratosis(1, 0.6%), abnormal pigmentation (1, 0.6%), and non-specific hand eczema (47, 29.3%). 4) The prevalence of any skin diseases was 34.0 pet 100 in cutting oil users, and 13.3 per 100 in non- users. Especially, the prevalence of contact dermatitis was 23.0 per 100 in cutting oil users and 23.0 per 100 in non-users. 5) We tried patch test(standard serise, oil serise, organic solvents) on 49 patients to differentiate allergic contact dermatitis from irritant contact dermatitis and found 20 were positive. 6) In a multivariate analysis(independant=age, tenure, kinds of cutting oil), the risk of skin diseases was higher in the water-based cutting oil user and both oil user than non-user or neat oil user(odds ratio were 2.16 and 2.78, respectively). And the risk of contact dermatitis was much higher at the same groups(odds ratio were 5.16 and 6.82, respectively).

• The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine
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• v.36 no.4
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• pp.244-254
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• 2002

Purpose: This study investigated the differences between technetium-99m ethyl cysteinate dimer (Tc-99m ECD) and technetium-99m hexamethylpropylene amine oxime (Tc-99m HMPAO) uptake in the normal brain by means of statistical parametric mapping (SPM) analysis. Materials and Methods: We retrospectively analyzed age and sex matched 53 cases of normal brain SPECT. Thirty-two cases were obtained with Tc-99m ECD and 21 cases with Tc-99m HMPAO. There were no abnormal findings on brain MRIs. All of the SPECT images were spatially transformed to standard space, smoothed and globally normalized. The differences between the Tc-99m ECD and Tc-99m HMPAO SPECT images were statistically analyzed using statistical parametric mapping (SPM'99) software. The differences bgetween the two groups were considered significant ant a threshold of corrected P values less than 0.05. Results: SPM analysis revealed significantly different uptakes of Tc-99m ECD and Tc-99m HMPAO in the normal brains. On the Tc-99m ECD SPECT images, relatively higher uptake was observed in the frontal, parietal and occipital lobes, in the basal ganglia and thalamus, and in the superior region of the cerebellum. On the Tc-99m HMPAO SPECT images, relatively higher uptakes was observed in subcortical areas of the frontal region, temporal lobe, and posterior portion of inferior cerebellum. Conclusion: Uptake of Tc-99m ECD and Tc-99m HMPO in the normallooking brain was significantly different on SPM analysis. The selective use of Tc-99m ECD of Tc-99m HMPAO in brain SPECT imaging appears especially valuable for the interpretation of cerebral perfusion. Further investigation is necessary to determine which tracer is more accurate for diagnosing different clinical conditions.

• The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.73-105
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• 1993

To say nothing of the orient and the west, the human beings discover the method of Jin Mac(診脈) by the way that observe disease. But oriental medicine devise special method of Jin Mac(診脈) in the study of Kyoung Mac(經脈). Although sip-ei Kyoung Mac Jin(十二經脈診), Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診), In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診), Chon Kwan Chuck Jin(寸關尺診) namely Yuk Bu Jung Wee Jin Mac (六部定位診脈) that is used today are devised, it has changed naturally by the changing treatment and the introduction of Yuin Yang(陰陽) and five element(五行). Many methods dg Jin Mac(診脈), it had not developped successing alternative, it had developped of declined by it's own way. 1. Results for the birth of Mac(脈) 1) Mac(脈), it means Kyoung Mac(經脈), at first entirelly Mac(脈), is seized a blood vessel that flows in the body. As presumed today, after finding many acupunture point, a general idea of Mac(脈) is not maked by the line that connect point and point, it connect between acupunture point and acupunture point. 2) Like blood flows in Hyul Mac(血脈), Gie(氣) flows in Kyoung Mac(經脈). The two things relate deeply each other. In a general idea or actrally Kyoung Rak(經洛), the two things sometimes accord, sometimes seperate, sometimes mix alternative. 3) Hyul Mac(血脈) and Kyoung Mac(經脈), we call it Mac(脈) entirely Kyoung Mac(經脈), is a way that manifest disease through Kyoung Mac(經脈) or a boundary that disease belongs to it method of Mac Jin(脈診) individual that disease of Kyoung Mac(經脈) is diagnosed by the jumping situation of Hyul Mac(血脈). 4) In method of Moxa, athough the pathology and the diagnostic of Mac(脈) are created by finding Mac(脈). Finding acupunture have opportunitty fot Mac Jin(脈診) and treatment. 2. Results of Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(經脈脈診) 1) In theory of kyoung Rak(經洛), disease are resumed for malfunction of Young Wee(榮衛) that flows in Kyung Rak(經洛). So to speak, in treatment of Kyoung Rak area, the purpose of diagnosis observe the situation of disease and cause. For fitting the purpose of diagnosis, the dead had esatablised four-diagnosis method mangMunMnnJeul(望聞問切), in four-diagnosis(四診法), the core is Mac Jin(脈診). 2) sip-ei Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(十二經脈診) had existed as Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(經脈脈診), it precedes Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診). In Young Ki Gu Mac(人迎脈口診). 3) Although Bu Yang Mac(趺陽脈), So Um Mac(少陰脈) is a part of Sip-ei Kyoung Mac(十二經脈診), they developped especially because they located in the point of Won Hyul(原穴) and they are convenient for diagnose. 4) Sip-ei Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(十二經脈診), which belongs to Bu Yang Mac(趺陽脈) and So Urn Mac(少陰脈), is not important for the comming age medical books compared with Mac Kyoung(脈經). 3. Results gor Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診) 1) Mac Jin(脈診) of Sam Bu Gu Who(三部九候), which is noted in the theory of Sam Bu Gu Who(三部九候診) of So Mun(素問), belongs to Kyoung Mac Mac Jin's(經脈脈診) geneology, Sip-ei Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(十二經脈診) is arranged, simplicated by the idealogy three talents(三才思想) in the heaven and the earth. 2) What Sam Bu Gu Jin(三部九候診) is regardded as very important in So Mun(素問), the editor of So Mun(素問) recognize the meaning that one discover disease early in this method of diagnosis. 3) After Young chu(靈樞), Nan Kyoung(難經) it is lacked the method of Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診) in the books that treatment has changed. Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診) based on actually clinic appropriate. 4. results for In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診) 1) In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診) is the method of comparative Mac Jin(脈診) according to the theory of Yin Yang(陰陽), it is presumed after Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診), it had perished in parallel with the development of the theory of five elelment(五行). The development of the acupunture, the perishment of the treatment of negative(刺絡). 2) In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診), Wang Suk Wha(王叔和) recreated that the left is In Young(人迎), the right is Kie Gu(氣口). In future generations by Jin Mu Taek(陳無擇) who is the writer of Sam In Bang(三因方). In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診) is a measure for disease which classify it's inside and outside cause. 5. Results for Chon Gu Mac Jin(寸口脈診) 1) What we say Mac Jin(脈診) of Chon Gu(寸口) two means are used in commn. First case, we simply say the area of Chon Gu(寸口), second case, we say Chon Kwan Chuk Jin(寸口尺診) reducingly. Chon Gu(寸口) is the area which is the radial artery of wrist joint. What we attemp diagnose by only Chon Gu Mac(寸口脈), it is clearly shoued in the method of Nan Kyoung, five Nan(難經五難). 2) Because Jin Mac(診脈) is made in only Chon Gu(寸口), that is the area in which is concentated Kyoung Kee(經氣). That is the birth of Jin Kee(眞氣) and Jin Kee(眞氣) is related with disease. We can diagnose disease by taking Chon Gu(寸口). 3) Chuk Jin(尺診) in Nae Kyoung(難經) have two things. One is Il Chuk(一尺), the other is Chon Kwan Chu(寸關尺). 4) Chuk Chon Jin(尺寸診) is the method which diagnose the difference of point and the condition of Mac(脈) by dividing a part of Chuk(尺) in the area of Chon Gu(寸口). In Chon Gu Jin(寸口診), by introducing the theory of Yin Yang(陰陽), the method of Chon Gu Jin(寸口診) is developed by chon Gu Jin(寸口診). 5) What Chuk Kwan Chon Jin(寸關尺診) is that area of the Chon Gu(寸口) are divided fot three point, we can diagnose. By consulting Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診), developping of the method of acupunture, utilzing the theory of five element(五行) it is devised by concentrating way of thinking of the method mac Jin(脈診) exiting. 6) Chon Kwan Chuk Jin MaC(寸關尺診脈) begin from Nae Kyoung(內徑) exiting. After Nan Kyoung(內徑), spread out widely from Mac Kyoung(脈診) of Wang Suk wha(王叔和), the future medicins followed it. Yang Hyun Jo(楊玄操) and established Chon Kwan Chuk Jin(寸關尺診) which is used widely today. This right and left Chon Kwan Chuk Jin(寸關尺診), we call it method of Yuk Bu Jung Wee Jin Mac(六部定位診脈). 7) We can think the base which presume the arrangement of the viscera for Chon Kwan Chuk(寸關尺) of the right and the left. 8) The origin, which seperate the right and the left of Mac(脈), is showed at the treory of Ji Jin Yo Dae(至眞要大論) in So Mun(素問) which Chon Chuk(寸尺) seperate the right and the left. But the method of diagnosis in Nan Kyoung(難經) have no seperation the fight and the left. Otherwise this. there is clearly writtened the seperation for the right origin of the method of Yuk Bu Jung Wee Jin Mac(六部定位診脈) seek for Cang Gong(倉公). 9) Yang Hyun Jo(楊玄操) notice that the Chuk(尺) is mentioned for Sam Cho(三焦) in the method of Mac Kyuong(脈經), Sim Po Kyung(心包經) which put together with Sam Cho(三焦) allot on this, he had established the method of Yuk Bu Jung Wee Jin Mac(六部定位診脈). 10) On the method of Paen Jak Yin Yang Mac(扁鵲陰陽脈) in Mac Kyoung(脈經), equal article exist with the theory of Pyung In Kee Sang(平人氣象論) in So Mun(素問). When Wang Suk Wha(王叔和) write Mac Kyung(脈經), we can presume that the book of Mac(脈) which Paen Jak(扁鵲) had experienced the origin have exited besides So Mun(素問), Young Chu(靈樞). If so he must be make Chon Kwan Chuk Jin(寸關尺診) very fairly standard. So Nae Kyoung(內經), which must be fllowed the method of Paen Jak Mac(扁鵲脈), do the method diagnosis of Chon Kwan Chuk(寸關尺), diagnise of disease and treat.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.19-48
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• 1974

Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.