• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.6 no.4
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• pp.421-432
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• 1991

This study was conducted to investigate the intake of a kind of Gom-Tang (Beef soup made with internal organs and bone), which is the Korean traditional food, and factors affecting the eating behavior of customers. Two hundred male customers of a H Korean Restaurant specialized in Gom-Tang, which is a well-known restaurant in Seoul, were surveyed from June 26 to 29, 1990. The results were shown as follows. (1) ${\ulcorner}$Frequency of intake${\lrcorner}$ and ${\ulcorner}$preference${\lrcorner}$ were very high. Those who took a kind of Gom-Tang ${\ulcorner}$more than once a week${\lrcorner}$ were 66.5% of the subjects. Those who evaluated ${\ulcorner}$good${\lrcorner}$ for the taste and flavor were 86.5% and 59.0% of the subjects, respectively. (2) The reasons why they chose a kind of Gom-Tang from among many Korean traditional foods were ${\ulcorner}$preference${\lrcorner}$ and ${\ulcorner}$phygiological condition${\lrcorner}$ in ${\ulcorner}$high frequency of intake${\lrcorner}$ group. ${\ulcorner}$Phygiological condition${\lrcorner}$ was more critical factor than ${\ulcorner}$preference${\lrcorner}$ in ${\ulcorner}$low frequency of intake${\lrcorner}$ group. (3) The effect of the intake of a kind of Gom-Tang on health was evaluated as ${\ulcorner}$healthy${\lrcorner}$ (80.5%). ${\ulcorner}$No effect${\lrcorner}$ and ${\ulcorner}$harmful${\lrcorner}$ were 30.5% and 6.5%, respectively. (4) ${\ulcorner}$High frequency of intake${\lrcorner}$ group, mainly more than 50 years of age, had a high ${\ulcorner}$preference${\lrcorner}$ and ${\ulcorner}$food knowledge${\lrcorner}$ as well as positive ${\ulcorner}$eating behavior${\lrcorner}$ and ${\ulcorner}$healthy state${\lrcorner}$, ${\ulcorner}$Middle frequency of intake${\lrcorner}$ group, mainly the forties, had a high ${\ulcorner}$preference${\lrcorner}$, but had less positive ${\ulcorner}$eating behavior${\lrcorner}$ than ${\ulcorner}$high frequency of intake${\lrcorner}$ group. ${\ulcorner}$Low frequency of intake${\lrcorner}$ group, mainly the twenties and thirties, had a medial ${\ulcorner}$preference${\lrcorner}$. They took a kind of Gom-Tang for reasons of ${\ulcorner}$on the recommendation of friends${\lrcorner}$ better than ${\ulcorner}$preference${\lrcorner}$. Foregoing results showed that ${\ulcorner}$a kind of Gom-Tang${\lrcorner}$ was a typical food recognized as ${\ulcorner}$healthy${\lrcorner}$ as well as ${\ulcorner}$delicious${\lrcorner}$. This may suggest that ${\ulcorner}$a kind of Gom-Tang${\lrcorner}$ is a candidate for the effective food on nutritional education.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.3
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• pp.218-247
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• 1989

As mentioned above, I got the next conclusion since I had considered the medical contents of the ancient period(上古時代) and the era of the old-Korea(古朝鮮時代) through several bibliographic records. 1. There were Pung-baeg(風伯), Uh-sa(雨師), Un-sa(雲師) that were the names of the governmental officials during the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄). Among them, Uh-sa specially managed the treatment for diseases. When we think of the significance of Pung(風)-which means the winds, Uh(雨)-which means the rain, Un(雲)-which means of clouds, we will find out that the human life will be affected by all kinds of phenomena of the nature. So I can infer that ancestries could prevent and treat diseases with adjusting them tn the changes in the weather. 2. There were five government officials(五事) in the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄上古時代). They are Uh-ga(牛加), Ma-ga(馬加), Ku-ga(狗加), Cheo-ga(猪加) and Yang-ga(羊加), and had charges of five important duties. Among them, Cheo-ga was set to a charge of treatment for diseases. So we can notice that there existed people who treated for diseases professionally. When we think of the meanings of Uh(牛)-which intends cows or bulls. Ma(馬)-which intends horses, Ku(狗)-which intends dogs, Cheo(猪)-which intends wild boars and Yang(羊)-which intends sheep, we can see that livestocks would be raised at that time, and they came to have more chances to digest meat. Since the digestion of meat became to be a burden on the stomach and the intestines, it might cause a lot of indigestive troubles. 3. When I compared Tan-gun Pal-ga(檀君八加) with the Oh-ga(五加) in the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄上古時代), I could tell that the community of Tan-gun's period is more advanced and specialized than one of Whan-ung's. When I think of the next sentence ; "The Prince Imperial, Bu-u(夫虞) become to be a Ro-ga(鷺加), who treat for diseases professionally.", I am sure that the treatment for diseases was more importment than any other things, because he was the third son of Tan-gun(檀君). 4. According to Tan-gun(檀君) mythology, Whan-ung(桓雄) came down from the heaven of the pure Yang(純陽) to the earth and then changed into a man who had had more Yang(陽) than Yin(陰). And a bear came up from the underground(or the cave) to the ground and then changed into a women who had had more Yin(陰) than Yang(陽). So both of them became to hold together. This story implicated that ancestors had taken a serious view of each of them, namely the ancestors didn't give the ascendance to the one side of them, and made much account of the mutual harmony. So I am sure that this fact coincided with the basic theories of oriental medical science. To refer to two proverbs of Tan-gun mythology that are "Ki-Sam-Chil-Il(忌三七日)" which means caring for twenty one days, and "Pul-Gyon-Il-Gwang-Baeg-Il(不見日光百日)" which means keeping indoors for one hundred days, I can tell you that "twenty-one-day" involves the principle of the birth of life, and "one-hundred-day" contains a preparatory period or the period of death to bear another life. 5. From the medical stuff, such as wormwood(艾), garlic(蒜), or wonder-working herbage(靈草), that had been written at the bibliographic papers of the ancient period(上古時代) and the era of the old-Korea(古朝鮮時代), I consider that many people might get a lot of women's diseases, indigestive troubles, and other diseases that were caused by the weakness, but with using various spices, such as the leaves of water pepper(蔘), they could prevent the occurrance of all kinds of diseases previously. So I regard this treatment as the medicine from food. 6. One of the sayings at Nae-gyong(內經) is that "The stone accupuncture(砭石) came from the orient." We can see both "wonder-wor-king wormwood(靈草)" and "dried wormwood(乾艾)" in the several bibliographic papers of the ancient history of the old-Korea(朝鮮上古史). From these records, I can be convinced that ancestors would utilize the acupuncture(針) and the moxa cautery(灸) to cure a patient of a disease. 7. Even though someone claimed that the book, "medical science and chemistry(醫學化學)" and "medical treatment(醫學大方)" had had been written during the ancient period of the old-Korea(上古朝鮮時代), such a fact can't have been ascertained historical evidence. But it has been handed down that there existed the original phonetic alphabet, such as the "Ka-Im-To alphabet(加臨土文字)" at that time. The terms about the diseases, which had been occurred at the community of the old-Korea(古朝鮮地域), were recorded fragmentarily at other records after that time. The origin of confucianism came from the race of the eastern barbarians, and Tae-Ho-Pok-Hi(太嗅伏義) and the king. Sun(舜) came from the eastern barbarians, too. The divination of tortoise shells at the country of Un(殷) is another from which was developed at the eastern barbarians' fortune-telling of animal bones. From these facts, I can infer that, by all means, they might record the medical knowledge which had been stored for thousands of years while contacting with china directly.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.9
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• pp.555-652
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• 1996

Up to the present the scholastic achievements in the history of the medical system have been rather scare despite its importance in the Korean History. Hence, this dissertation attempts to examine the significance of the institute in the Korean History, covering the period from the ancient times through the early Chosun-Dynasty. In the ancient times, the medical practice relied primarily upon human instincts and experiences at the same time, shaman's incantations were widely believed to cure diseases, the workings of evil spirits supposedly. For the period from the Old Chosun through Samhan(巫堂), Chinese refugees brought a long medical knowledge and skills of the continent. New Chinese medicine, traditional practices and incantations were generally used at this time. Medicine and the medical system were arranged by the period of the Three Countries(三國時代). No definite record concerning Koguryo remains now. As for Paekje, however, history shows that they set up the system under the Chinese influence, assigning medical posts such as Euibaksa(medical doctor), Chaeyaksa(pharmacist), and Jukeumsa(medicine man) within Yakbu(department of medicine). Scientifically advanced, they sent experts to Japan, giving a tremendous influence on the development of the science on ancient Japan. After the unification of the three countries, Shilla had their own system after the model of Dang(唐). This system of the Unified Shilla was continued down to Koryo and became the backbone of the future ones. In the ancient time religion and medicine were closely related. The curative function of the shaman was absolute. Buddhism played a notable part in medical practice, too, producing numerous medical monks. The medical system of Koryo followed the model of Dang with some borrowings from Song(宋). Sangyakkuk(尙藥局) was to deal exclusively with the diseases of the monarch whereas Taeeuigam(太醫監) was the central office to handle the national medical administration and the qualification test and education for doctors. In addition, Dongsodaebiwon(東西大悲院), Jewibo(濟危寶), and Hyeminkuk(惠民局) were public hospitals for the people, and a few aristocrats practiced medicine privately. In 987, the 6th year of Songjong(成宗), local medical operations were installed for curing the sick and educating medical students. Later Hyonjong(顯宗), established Yakjom(clinics, 藥店) throughout the country and officials were sent there to see patients. Foreign experts, mainly from Song, were invited frequently to deliver their advanced technology, and contributed to the great progress of the science in Korea. Medical officials were equipped with better land and salary than others, enjoying appropriate social respect. Koryo exchanged doctors, medicine and books mainly with Song, but also had substantial interrelations with Yuan(元), Ming(明), Kitan(契丹), Yojin(女眞), and Japan. Among them, however, Song was most influential to the development of medicine in Koryo. During Koryo Dynasty Buddhism, the national religion at the time, exercised bigger effect on medicine than in any other period. By conducting national ceremonies and public rituals to cure diseases, Taoism also affected the way people regarded illness. Curative shamanism was still in practice as well. These religious practices, however, were now engaged only when medication was already in use or when medicine could not held not help any more. The advanced medical system of Koryo were handed down to Chosun and served the basis for further progress. Hence, then played well the role to connect the ancient medicine and the modern one. The early Chosun followed and systemized the scientific and technical achievement in medicine during the Koryo Dynasty, and furthermore, founded the basis of the future developments. Especially the 70 years approximately from the reign of Sejong(世宗) to that of Songjong(成宗) withnessed a termendous progress in the field with the reestablishment of the medical system. The functions of the three medical institute Naeeuiwon(內醫院), Joneuigam(典醫監), Hyeminkuk(惠民局) were expanded. The second, particualy, not only systemized all the medical practices of the whole nation, but also grew and distributed domestic medicaments which had been continually developed since the late Koryo period. In addition, Hyeminso(惠民局, Hwarinwon(活人院)) and Jesaenwon(濟生院)(later merged to the first) played certain parts in the curing illness. Despite the active medical education in the capital and the country, the results were not substantial, for the aristocracy avoided the profession due to the social prejudice against technicians including medical docotors. During the early Chosun-Dynasty, the science was divided into Chimgueui (acupuncturist), Naryogeui(specialist in scrofula) and Chijongeui (specialist in boil). For the textbooks, those for the qualification exam were used, including several written by the natives. With the introduction on Neoconfucianism(性理學) which reinforced sexual segregation, female doctors appeared for the female patients who refused to be seen by male doctors. This system first appeared in 1406, the sixth year of Taejong(太宗), but finally set up during the reign of Sejong. As slaves to the offices, the lowest class, female doctors drew no respect. However, this is still significant in the aspect of women's participation in society. They were precedents of midwives. Medical officials were selected through the civil exam and a special test. Those who passed exams were given temporary jobs and took permanent posts later. At that time the test score, the work experience and the performance record of the prospective doctor were all taken into consideration, for it was a specialized office. Most doctors were given posts that changed every six months, and therefore had fewer chances for a goverment office than the aristocracy. At the beginning the social status of those in medicine was not that low, but with the prejudice gradully rising among the aristocracy, it became generally agreed to belong to the upper-middle technician class. Dealing with life, however, they received social respect and courtesy from the public. Sometimes they collected wealth with their skills. They kept improving techniques and finally came to take an important share in modernization process during the late Chosun-Dynasty.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.157-175
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• 2013

Since Korean government announced 'Smartwork promotion strategy' in 2010, Korean firms and government organizations have started to adopt smartwork. However, the smartwork has been implemented only in a few of large enterprises and government organizations rather than SMEs (small and medium enterprises). In USA, both Yahoo! and Best Buy have stopped their flexible work because of its reported low productivity and job loafing problems. In addition, according to the literature on smartwork, we could draw obstacles of smartwork adoption and categorize them into the three types: institutional, organizational, and technological. The first category of smartwork adoption obstacles, institutional, include the difficulties of smartwork performance evaluation metrics, the lack of readiness of organizational processes, limitation of smartwork types and models, lack of employee participation in smartwork adoption procedure, high cost of building smartwork system, and insufficiency of government support. The second category, organizational, includes limitation of the organization hierarchy, wrong perception of employees and employers, a difficulty in close collaboration, low productivity with remote coworkers, insufficient understanding on remote working, and lack of training about smartwork. The third category, technological, obstacles include security concern of mobile work, lack of specialized solution, and lack of adoption and operation know-how. To overcome the current problems of smartwork in reality and the reported obstacles in literature, we suggest a novel smartwork service model based on NFC(Near Field Communication). This paper suggests NFC-based Smartwork Service Model composed of NFC-based Smartworker networking service and NFC-based Smartwork space management service. NFC-based smartworker networking service is comprised of NFC-based communication/SNS service and NFC-based recruiting/job seeking service. NFC-based communication/SNS Service Model supplements the key shortcomings that existing smartwork service model has. By connecting to existing legacy system of a company through NFC tags and systems, the low productivity and the difficulty of collaboration and attendance management can be overcome since managers can get work processing information, work time information and work space information of employees and employees can do real-time communication with coworkers and get location information of coworkers. Shortly, this service model has features such as affordable system cost, provision of location-based information, and possibility of knowledge accumulation. NFC-based recruiting/job-seeking service provides new value by linking NFC tag service and sharing economy sites. This service model has features such as easiness of service attachment and removal, efficient space-based work provision, easy search of location-based recruiting/job-seeking information, and system flexibility. This service model combines advantages of sharing economy sites with the advantages of NFC. By cooperation with sharing economy sites, the model can provide recruiters with human resource who finds not only long-term works but also short-term works. Additionally, SMEs (Small Medium-sized Enterprises) can easily find job seeker by attaching NFC tags to any spaces at which human resource with qualification may be located. In short, this service model helps efficient human resource distribution by providing location of job hunters and job applicants. NFC-based smartwork space management service can promote smartwork by linking NFC tags attached to the work space and existing smartwork system. This service has features such as low cost, provision of indoor and outdoor location information, and customized service. In particular, this model can help small company adopt smartwork system because it is light-weight system and cost-effective compared to existing smartwork system. This paper proposes the scenarios of the service models, the roles and incentives of the participants, and the comparative analysis. The superiority of NFC-based smartwork service model is shown by comparing and analyzing the new service models and the existing service models. The service model can expand scope of enterprises and organizations that adopt smartwork and expand the scope of employees that take advantages of smartwork.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.3
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• pp.172-187
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• 2019

Knowledge of intangible cultural heritage is usually disseminated through word-of-mouth and actions rather than written records. Thus, people assemble to teach others about it and form communities. Accordingly, to understand and spread information about intangible cultural heritage properly, it is necessary to understand not only their attributes but also a community's relational characteristics. Community members include specialized transmitters who work under the auspices of institutions, and general transmitters who enjoy intangible cultural heritage in their daily lives. They converse about intangible cultural heritage in close relationships. However, to date, research has focused only on professionals. Thus, this study focused on the roles of general transmitters of intangible cultural heritage information by investigating intangible cultural heritage communities centering around Jeongseon Arirang; a social network analysis was performed. Regarding the research objectives presented in the introduction, the main findings of the study are summarized as follows. First, there were 197 links between 74 members of the Jeongseon Arirang Transmission Community. One individual had connections with 2.7 persons on average, and all were connected through two steps in the community. However, the density and the clustering coefficient were low, 0.036 and 0.32, respectively; therefore, the cohesiveness of this community was low, and the relationships between the members were not strong. Second, 'Young-ran Yu', 'Nam-gi Kim' and 'Gil-ja Kim' were found to be the prominent figures of the Jeongseon Arirang Transmission Community, and the central structure of the network was concentrated around these three individuals. Being located in the central structure of the network indicates that a person is popular and ranked high. Also, it means that a person has an advantage in terms of the speed and quantity of the acquisition of information and resources, and is in a relatively superior position in terms of bargaining power. Third, to understand the replaceability of the roles of Young-ran Yu, Nam-gi Kim, and Gil-ja Kim, who were found to be the major figures through an analysis of the central structure, structural equivalence was profiled. The results of the analysis showed that the positions and roles of Young-ran Yu, Nam-gi Kim, and Gil-ja Kim were unrivaled and irreplaceable in the Jeongseon Arirang Transmission Community. However, considering that these three members were in their 60s and 70s, it seemed that it would be necessary to prepare measures for the smooth maintenance and operation of the community. Fourth, to examine the subgroup hidden in the network of the Jeongseon Arirang Transmission Community, an analysis of communities was conducted. A community refers to a subgroup clearly differentiated based on modularity. The results of the analysis identified the existence of four communities. Furthermore, the results of an analysis of the central structure showed that the communities were formed and centered around Young-ran Yu, Hyung-jo Kim, Nam-gi Kim, and Gil-ja Kim. Most of the transmission TAs recommended by those members, students who completed a course, transmission scholarship holders, and the general members taught in the transmission classes of the Jeongseon Arirang Preservation Society were included as members of the communities. Through these findings, it was discovered that it is possible to maintain the transmission genealogy, making an exchange with the general members by employing the present method for the transmission of Jeongseon Arirang, the joint transmission method. It is worth paying attention to the joint transmission method as it overcomes the demerits of the existing closed one-on-one apprentice method and provides members with an opportunity to learn their masters' various singing styles. This study is significant for the following reasons: First, by collecting and examining data using a social network analysis method, this study analyzed phenomena that had been difficult to investigate using existing statistical analyses. Second, by adopting a different approach to the previous method in which the genealogy was understood, looking at oral data, this study analyzed the structures of the transmitters' relationships with objective and quantitative data. Third, this study visualized and presented the abstract structures of the relationships among the transmitters of intangible cultural heritage information on a 2D spring map. The results of this study can be utilized as a baseline for the development of community-centered policies for the protection of intangible cultural heritage specified in the UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage. To achieve this, it would be necessary to supplement this study through case studies and follow-up studies on more aspects in the future.