• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.33
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• pp.162-181
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• 2000

This paper investigates sixteen rock-cut arhat images of the Koryo period at Sungbul-sa (成佛寺) in Chunan (天安), South Chungchung Province. These images, together with a Buddha triad in the center, are carved in thin relief on the large granite wall ($375cm{\times}248cm$), and below them is engraved a huge lotus petal which looks to be supporting all the images above. According to extant textual sources, arhats were popularly worshipped in the Koryo period. The Painting of Five Hundred Arhat Images was brought to Koryo from Later Liang (後梁) of the Five Dynasties (五代) in 923. From that time on, the cult of arhat had become gradually known in Koryo. More than thirty ceremonies worshipping arhats (羅漢齊) were officially held in Koryo court. The Sixteen Arhat images (十六羅漢像) were enshrined in many temples. In Boje-sa (普濟寺), which kings and aristocrats often visited for ritual ceremonies, had its main hall dominated by the Five Hundred Arhats, called Nahan-pocheon (羅漢寶殿). However, a limited number of arhat images of the Koryo period, originally made as sets of sixteen or five hundred arhats, are now extant. The Sixteen Arhat images at Sungbul-sa are unique examples that show all sixteen images in situ. The Sixteen Arhat images, though some of them are abraded, show various postures and gesture. One of them sits with his knee bent, and one arhat is sitting on a chair with his hand held upward. Each image is carved in a niche, just as the arhat images of Northern Song China are normally represented in niches of a cave, and are quite similar in style to the arhat images of the Northern Song period at Qinglindong (靑林洞) cave, Feilaifeng (飛來峰), Zejiang province (浙江省). This similarity between the arhat images of Sungbul-sa and those of Qinglindong certifies the strong impact of Song Buddhist art on Koryo frequently mentioned in texts. The Sixteen Arhat images surround the central Buddha raising his hand up to his chest. This Buddha triad could be ascribed to be either the Maitreya Buddha triad or the Sakyamuni Buddha triad based on the Lotus Sutra (妙法蓮華經). Still, the Sakyamuni Buddha triad was more often represented with sixteen or five hundred arhats in the Koryo period, as was seen in the record of Boje-sa where the Sakyamuni triad was enshrined with five hundred arhat images. The Sixteen Arhat images of Sungbul-sa arc most likely to be a rare example of Koryo Arhat images showing the Sakyamuni Buddha triad and the Sixteen Arhats who were predicted to be Buddhas by Sakyamuni in the Lotus Sutra.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.73-108
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• 2019

This paper is an attempt to discuss the history and the current state of 'SF theaters.' SF theater is still an unfamiliar genre to the public, and may surprise some, given that the stage is perceived as an insufficient space for stretching the scientific imagination. Since 2010 works that bring the scientific imagination into the theater have frequently been performed, and a recognition of SF theaters began to be established. Producers came to be absorbed in human psychology, and our isolation amidst the progress in technology, as well as in the absurdities of the world, while giving up the ideal of realistic descriptions. This became the foundation for SF theaters in South Korea today. Starting from the research history and the conceptual change in SF theaters, this study examined the status of SF dramas going back to the colonial period for SF theaters. Through inquiring into the history of SF theaters, we were able to derive the following implications and problems. Firstly, as they are based on future society or technical improvement without consideration of scientific probability or rationality, the scientific imagination is too absent for the work to be named 'SF theater.' Secondly, while being highly evaluated as an attempt to integrate science and stage in an era that emphasizes convergence, when we delve into the creativity of a material it is noticeable that the view of the world is still regressive. Thirdly, there are many cases in which scripts lean on SF classics or Japanese original works. Nevertheless, if young creators' diverse attempts in a genre can breathe with the contemporary audience desiring a new material, the foundation of a Korean-style SF theater may be expanded to include more significant work.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.1-26
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• 2023

This article will analyze and forecast important variables and dynamics in global power politics after the war in Ukraine. It tries to use several perspectives to analyze international relations, particularly liberal internationalism and structural realism. In short, core variables are as follows; First, how is the US-led liberal international order and globalization being adjusted? Second, how will the U.S.-China strategic competition, which is the biggest and structural variable, cause changes in the international order in the future? The third variable, how stable are Sino-Russia relations in the context of a structuring U.S.-China-Russia strategic new triangle? Fourth, to what extent will third middle hedging states outside the U.S. and China be able to exercise strategic autonomy in the face of multipolarization? To summarize, the first of these four variables is the largest basic variable at the global political and economic level in terms of its impact on the international community, and it has been led by the United States. The second variable, in terms of actors, seems to be the most influential structural variable in global competition, and the US-China strategic competition is likely to be a long game. Thus the world will not be able to escape the influence of the competition between the two global powers. For South Korea, this second variable is probably the biggest external variable and dilemma. The third variable, the stability of Sino-Russia relations, determines balance of global power in the 21st century. The U.S.-China-Russia strategic new triangle, as seen in the current war in Ukraine, will operate as the greatest power variable in not only global power competition but also changes in the international order. Just as the U.S. is eager for a Sino-Russia fragmentation strategy, such as a Tito-style wedge policy to manage balance of power in the early years of the Cold War, it needs a reverse Kissinger strategy to reset the U.S.-Russia relationship, in order to push for a Sino-Russia splitting in the 21st century. But with the war in Ukraine, it seems that this fragmentation strategy has already been broken. In the context of Northeast Asia, whether or not the stability of Sino-Russia relations depends not only on the United States, but also on the Korean Peninsula. Finally, the fourth variable is a dependent variable that emerged as a result of the interaction of the above three variables, but simultaneously it remains to be seen that this variable is likely to act as the most dynamic and independent variable that can promote multilateralism, multipolarization, and pan-regionalism of the global international community in the future. Taking into account these four variables together, we can make an outlook on the change in the international order.

• Journal of the Korean earth science society
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• v.44 no.6
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• pp.643-654
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• 2023

The West Philippine Basin, an oceanic basin half the size of the Philippine Sea Plate, lies in the western part of the plate and south of the Korean Peninsula on the Eurasian Plate. It subducts beneath the Eurasian Plate and the Philippine Islands bordering the Ryukyu Trench and the Philippine Trench with 25-50% of this basin already consumed. However, the history of the opening of the basin's southern region has been a topic of debate. The non-transform discontinuity formed during the seafloor spreading is similar to the transform fault boundaries normally perpendicular to mid-ocean ridge axes; however, it was created irregularly due to ridge propagations caused by variations of mantle convection attributable to magma supply changes. By analyzing high-resolution multi-beam echo-sounding data, we confirmed that the non-transform discontinuity due to the propagating rift evolved in the entire basin and that the abyssal hill strike direction changed from E-W to NNW-SSE from the fossil spreading center. In the early stage of basin extension, the Amami-Sankaku Basin was rotated 90 degrees clockwise from its current orientation, and it bordered the Palau Basin along the Mindanao Fracture Zone. The Amami-Sankaku Basin separated from the Palau Basin while the spreading of the West Philippine Basin began with a counter-clockwise rotation. This indicates that the non-transform discontinuities formed by a sudden change in magma supply due to the drift of the Philippine Sea Plate and simultaneously with the rapid changes in the spreading direction from ENE-WSW to N-S. The Palau Basin was considered to be the sub-south of the West Philippine Basin, but recent studies have shown that it extends into an independent system. Evidence from sediment layers and crustal thickness hints at the possibility of its existence before the West Philippine Basin opened, although its evolution continues to be debated. We performed a combined analysis using high-resolution multi-beam bathymetry and satellite gravity data to uncover new insights into the evolution of the West Philippine Basin. This information illuminates the complex plate interactions and provides a crucial contribution toward understanding the opening history of the basin and the Philippine Sea Plate.

• Economic and Environmental Geology
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• v.40 no.5
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• pp.517-535
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• 2007

Two distinctive Mesozoic hydrothermal systems occurred in South Korea: the Jurassic/Early Cretaceous(ca. $200{\sim}130$ Ma) deep-level ones during the Daebo orogeny and the Late Cretaceous/Tertiary(ca. $110{\sim}45$ Ma) shallow hydrothermal ones during the Bulgugsa event. The Mesozoic hydrothermal system and the metallic mineralization in the Korean Peninsula document a close spatial and temporal relationship with syn- to post-tectonic magmatism. The calculated ${\delta}^{18}O_{H2O}$ values of the ore-forming fluids from the Mesozoic metallic mineral deposits show limited range for the Jurassic ones but variable range for the Late Cretaceous ones. The orogenic mineral deposits were formed at relatively high temperatures and deep-crustal levels. The mineralizing fluids that were responsible for the formation of theses deposits are characterized by the reasonably homogeneous and similar ranges of ${\delta}^{18}O_{H2O}$ values. This implies that the ore-forming fluids were principally derived from spatially associated Jurassic granitoids and related pegmatite. On the contrary, the Late Cretaceous ferroalloy, base-metal and precious-metal deposits in the Taebaeksan, Okcheon and Gyeongsang basins occurred as vein, replacement, breccia-pipe, porphyry-style and skarn deposits. Diverse mineralization styles represent a spatial and temporal distinction between the proximal environment of subvolcanic activity and the distal to transitional condition derived from volcanic environments. The Cu(-Au) or Fe-Mo-W deposits are proximal to a magmatic source, whereas the polymetallic or the precious-metal deposits are more distal to transitional. On the basis of the overall ${\delta}^{18}O_{H2O}$ values of various ore deposits in these areas, it can be briefed that the ore fluids show very extensive oxygen isotope exchange with country rocks, though the ${\delta}D_{H2O}$ values are relatively homogeneous and similarly restricted.

• The Korean Journal of Petroleum Geology
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• v.10 no.1_2 s.11
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• pp.23-33
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• 2004

The Lago Sofia conglomerate in southern Chile is a lenticular unit encased within mudstone-dominated, deep-sea successions (Cerro Toro Formation, upper Cretaceous), extending from north to south for more than $120{\cal}km$. The Lago Sofia conglomerate is a unique example of long, gravelly deep-sea channels, which are rare in the modern environments. In the northern part (areas of Lago Pehoe and Laguna Goic), the conglomerate unit consists of 3-5 conglomerate bodies intervened by mudstone sequences. Paleocurrent data from these bodies indicate sediment transport to the east, south, and southeart. The conglomerate bodies in the northern Part are interpreted as the tributary channels that drained down the Paleoslope and converged to form N-S-trending trunk channels. In the southern part (Lago Sofia section), the conglomerate unit comprises a thick (> 300 m) conglomerate body, which probably formed in axial trunk channels of the N-5-trending foredeep trough. The well-exposed Lago Sofia section allowed for detailed investigation of sedimentary facies and large-scale architecture of the deepsea channel conglomerate. The conglomerate in Lago Sofia section comprises stratified conglomerate, massive-to-graded conglomerate, and diamictite, which represent bedload deposition under turbidity currents, deposition by high-density turbidity currents, and muddy debris flows, respectively. Paleocurrent data suggest that the debris flows originated from the failure of nearby channel banks or slopes flanking the channel system, whereas the turbidity currents flowed parallel to the orientation of the overall channel system. Architectural elements produced by turbidity currents represent vertical stacking of gravel sheets, lateral accretion of gravel bars, migration of gravel dunes, and filling of channel thalwegs and scoured hollows, similar to those in terrestrial gravel-bed braided rivers. Observations of large-scale stratal pattern reveal that the channel bodies are offset stacked toward the east, suggestive of an eastward migration of the axial trunk channel. The eastward channel migration is probably due to tectonic tilting related to the uplift of the Andean protocordillera just west of the Lago Sofia deep-sea channel system.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.46-56
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• 2012

The research results of tracing the Landscape Philosophy of Hageowon garden(何去園) in Musu-dong, Daejon of Youhwadang, Kwon, Iijin(權以鎭, 1668-1734) is as below. The ideological background of the protagonist reflected in Hageowon is the Hyoje Ideology(filial piety and brotherly love, 孝弟) of Sinjongchuwon(painstakingly caring for one's ancestors), Musil ideology(pursuing ethical diligence and truthful mind, 務實) based on sadistic tradition and ethical rationalism, Confucionist Eunil Ideology(ideology on seclusion, 隱逸) of Cheonghanjiyeon(quiet relaxation, 淸閒之燕), and the Pungryu ideology(appreciation for the arts, 風流) of Taoism in the Taoist style. Thus, by substituting these ideological values into a space called Hageowon, the Byulup gardens(別業) such as the Symbolic garden(象徵園), meaning gaeden(意園), and miniascape garden(縮景園) were able to be constructed. 2) The space organization system of Hageowon is generally classified into three phases considering the hierarchy. The first territory is the transitional space having residential features, which is an area to reach peach tree - road(Taoist world 桃經) from Youhwadang(有懷堂). The second territory is a monumental memorial space where the Yocheondae(繞千臺), Jangwoodam(丈藕潭), Hwagae(花階), and the ancestral graves take place, centering on the yards of Sumanheon(收漫軒), and the third territory is the secluded space in the eastern outer garden where the mountain stream flows from the north to south and which is the vein of the left-hand blue dragon(靑龍) of the guardian mountain of Hageowon. 3) Symbolically, the first phase has symbolized the space as a meaningful scenery by overlapping the Confucionist place of Youhwadang - Gosudae(孤秀臺) - Odeokdae(五德臺), and the mystic world of Jukcheondang(竹遷堂) - peach tree - road(桃徑). The second phase, which is the space of Sumanheon(收漫軒), Yocheondae, and Jangwoodam, the symbolical value of Sinjongchuwon(愼終追遠) and the remembrance and longing for one's parents are reflected. The third phase, which is the eastern outer garden of Hageowon and where the mountain stream flows from the north to south, is composed of the east valley(東溪) - Hwalsudam(活水潭) - Sumi Waterfall(修眉瀑布). More specifically, (1) Mongjeong symbolizes the life of gaining knowledge through studying to realize one's foolishness, (2) Hwalsudam symbolizes a transcending attitude in life refusing to pursue wealth and fame, and (3) Jangwoodam symbolizes the gateway to the fairyland to enter the world of mystic gods. 4) The rationale behind Hageowon is that the two algorithms of Confucionism and Taoist Theory appear repeatedly and in an overlapping way. The Napoji(納汚池) and Hwalsudam, which pertains to the prelude of space development, has symbolized Susimyangseong(修心養成, meditating one's mind and improving one's nature), which is based on ethical rationalism. Moreover, if the Monjeong sphere pertaining to the eastern outer garden of Hageowon takes the Confucionist value system as its theme, including moral training, studying, and researching, Jangwudam, Sumi Waterfalls, and Unwa can be understood as a taste of Cheokbyeon(滌煩, eliminating troubles) for the arts where the mystic world is substituted as a meaningful scenery. 5) The miniascape technique called artificial mountain was substituted to Hageowon to construct a mystic world like the 12 peaks of Mt. Mu(巫山). By borrowing the symbolic meaning expressed in old poems, it has been named 'Habang(1/何放), Hwabong(2, 3/和峯), Chulgun(4, 5, 6/出群), Sinwan(7/神浣), Chwhigyu(8, 9, 10/聚糾), Cheomyo(11/處杳), Giyung(12/氣融).' The representative poet reciting artificial mountain were Wangeui(汪醫), Nosamgang(魯三江), Dubo(杜甫), Hanyou(韓愈), Jeonheaseong(錢希聖), and Beomseokho(范石湖). They related themselves with literature by transcending time and space and attempted to sing about the richness of the mental world by putting the mystic world and culture of appreciating the arts they pursued in the vacation home called Hageowon.

• Korean Journal of Community Nutrition
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.9-27
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• 1996

The nutritional status is strictly related with flood production, flood processing, and distribution along with habits, education and technological achievement, adapted and adjusted to socio-economic conditions. All these factors are independently affecting the nutritional status of populations. In addition to the above mentioned factors launch of it is useful to consider two points ; unification of the South and the North Korea and WTO. The present study gives and overview of basic knowledge about nutritional status of Korean by using availab1e data in relation to nutrition. The basic characteristics of Korean diet with proportions high in carbohydrate and low in fat, have been relatively constant for the past two decades. The average daily flood intake in terms of weight of flood per person is relatively constant throughout the years. Although the proportion of animal food intake tends to increase recently, the Korean diet is still insufficient in meat, eggs, milk, and fish. Moreover because milk has not been accustomed flood with the general population and not much used in traditional flood preparation in Korea, milk consumption was especially low in comparison with western countries. The total energy intake was relatively constant throughout the years from 1969 to 1993. However, changes in the composition have occurred in the past two decades. The amount and proportions of fat have been s1ightly increasing while the total amount of carbohydrate has been decreasing. The nutrition preblems of Korea have changed over the past severa1 decades. The general adequacy of protein and energy existing after Korean War(1950) was resolved now. Since then the average diet appears to be nearly desirable in terms of rapid rates of growth during childhood and attainment of progressively stature and body weight at maturity. The dietary habits of some young people in these days seem to be taking a more western style diets. This trends if established by habit may lead to a marked change in the traditional diet and health. I think Korean nutritional experiences have potential values for tole other countries in Asia and in western countries. Korean diet illustrates a high level of nutritional status and health attainable will a largely vegetable diet : high in complex carbohydrates, and dietary fibre, and low in tat, and reasonable amount of total protein. This is significant for developing and developed countries that must select specific goals fir adequate nutrition for the people. Compared to the western countries, Koreas different incidence of coronary heart disease and malignancy demonstrates the significance of environment and probably the prominent role of diet in the development of these diseases. The changes occurring in the Korean diet of fir the unusual opportunity to assess the effect of diet upon chronic degenerative disease. In the future, the Korean diet might be continue to change significantly These changes are being influenced by socioeconomic factors that have been emerging and growing stronger since mid-l980 and that probably continue to be potent. The expanded purchasing power of the consumer results in increased discretionary purchases. In the case of foodstuffs, the consumer demands appear to be directed toward items of higher protein content, which, being primarily animal products, are inevitably accompanied by an increased consumption of fat. The continued availability of these more expensive flood items depends upon the balance of foreign trade favouring their importation and domestic production. A regression of foreign trade could result in a decreased supply for the consumer, whereas continued growth of trade iou]d provide freedom for increasing availability to the consumer. In this latter situation the exact choice of foodstuffs is depending upon comsumer tastes and the pressures that may influence it.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.15
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• pp.177-194
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• 1990

Koh(袴) was a type of dress worn on the lower part of the body which was commonly used in the Northeast Asia. It was originally used by the Northern race for the need of nomadism or hunting. The origin of the Koh which appeared in the area would be found from the trousers of the Huns who influenced in the Northeast Asia, and became in the part of the Scythian culture. The Scythians are the nomadizing race inhabited in the Northern Caucasas on the wast of the Black Sea and influenced on the inland Eurasian steppe as the first typical horse-riding race. The objectives of Koh which had been worn in the Scythian, Mongolia, Korea as well as Japan as a part of Dongho dress and ornaments and to contemplate the transmission process by cultural exchange among different races for the period from 4th century to 7th century. 1. The Origination of the Koh The Koh was originated by the environmental factor to protect the cold in the North but also from the heat in the South, and was changed and developed as gradually satisfying to the needs of the times. In the Northeast Asia the Koh was in the class of the Northern Chinese garment, and was used widely by the horse riding Scythians who moved widely from the Eurasian inland to Japan. The oldest original which could reflect the type of the Northern clothes was a pair of trousers discovered in the Huns remains of Noin Ula. This showed the exact form of hunting clothes and had a similar form with the Korean female tro-users. Since the same form of trousers drawn on the wall painting of which was excavated 4-5th century ancient Koguryo(高句麗) tomb was the same form the trousers of Noin Ula seemed to be the original form of Koh in the Northeast Asia. 2. The Chinese Trousers It was the time of the King Mooryung(武靈王) in the Cho(趙) Dynasty B.C. 3th century that the trousers used regularly in China. However, the Koh had been used as undergarment which functioned for the protection of the cold not the horseriding garment. The trousers seemed to be not very obviously shown off since the Poh (袍) was long, but mainly used by the people from lower class. As people learned the adapted the trousers. It was essential for the times of war and quarrel. The king himself started wearing the Koh. The Chinese trousers were influenced by the Huns, the Northern clothes of the Scythian culture, and similar to the Korean clothes. 3. The Korean Trousers Korean was a race bared from the Eastern foreign group. It was obvious that the clothes was Baji-Jeogori(바지 저고리), the garment of the Northern people. This had the same form of the Scythian dress and ornaments which was excavated from the Mongolian Noin Ula. The Scythian dress and ornaments were influenced from the Ancient West Asia Empire and transmitted to the Northeast Koguryu by the horseriding Scythian. The trousers were kept in the traditional style by the common people in Korea were transmitted to Japan which were for behind in cultural aspect, as well as got used to the Chinese as the efficient clothes though active cultural exchange. 4. The Japanese Trousers The ancient Japanese clothes were influenced by the Southern factor but not the form of the Koh. As the Korean people group was moving towards Japan and conquer the Japanese in the 4-5th century, however, North Altaic culture was formed and at the same time the clothes were also developed. The most influenced clothes at this time were those of Baekge(百濟) and the trousers form called Euigon became the main form. Because of the climatic regional factor, it was tied not at the ankle but under the knee. From the view the ancient Japanese clothes disappeard about that time, it could be due to the conquest of the culturally superior race but not the transmission of the culture. In the latest 7th century both the Chinese and Japanese dress forms were present, but the Dongho(東胡) dress and its ornament from Korea was still the basic of the Japanese dress form.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.733-739
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• 1966

A 371 agricultural households from 26 different communities in South Korea was subjected on a study of food taboos in January of 1966. To the pregnant women, those to whom a high protein diet is particurally important, as many as 14 different kinds of foods, mostly portein rich foods, were avoided to eat. It is believed that if duck is eaten while pregnant her baby may walk like a duck in later life. Some mother have a strong aversion to the rabbit meat that her unborn baby must be a harelip. It is feared to eat chicken, shark or carp by the pregnant mother for her baby may get a gooseflesh appearance, or fish scale-like skin in later life. It is thought that if mother eats soup made of meat borns, especially chicken bones, a disfigured baby may be born. Some area informed that if mother eats crab meat her future baby will always bubble. To the child-bearing mothers 13 different kinds of foods were avoided to eat. Some believe that if raddish kimchi, soybean curd, squash are eaten while dilivery that mother may get dental decay or to lose all her teeth. Other think that highly spiced raddish kimchi cause delivery difficult. To the lactating mothers 7 different items of foods were not recommended to eat. It is a common belief that eating green vegetables, especially fresh lettuce, are restricted that her baby may stool greenish. It is said that eating ginsen-chicken soup, or ginsen tea during lactating reduces breast milk secretion. To the weaning babies 7 different kinds of foods were prohibited to fee. Eggs are not eaten because mothers think her babies will start to talk very late. Eight different items of foods in cases of gastro-intestinal diseases, 5 items for liver disease, 7 items for high blood pressure as well as for paralysis were respectively restricted. It is said that meats including pork, beef, and chicken are neither desirable for the patients of high blood pressure nor those of paralysis. To the measles children 10 varieties of foods were restricted. Especially soybean products and meats were not encouraged to use for avoiding asecond attack of measles. For the common cold 8 different kinds of foods were aversed and men think that eating of soup of undria delays a recovery. For the tuberculosis 4 kinds of foods were prohibited to eat. It is said that wine, red pepper and ginsen will stimulate lung bleeding. Many mothers had a strong aversion to fermented shrimp and fish in case of style. and 5 different items of foods were restricted. In case of menstration not so many foods were restricted as other cases, but meat soup is not eaten in this condition in some areas. Majority of food taboos in Korean villages are neither based on tribal nor religious factors. But no one knows how, since what ages, from where, these food taboos have been transmitted and spread over the country. This survey found a great variety of food taboos, aversions, traditional beliefs and prohibitions latent unknown reseasons, or non-scientific conceptions, or completely different ideas from the modern medical aspect, or somewhat fallacious and superstitious beliefs. For the vascular disease contrasting approach were found between modern the oritical therapy and popular remedy among the rural populations who largely depend on the eastern medication. Further scientific study on either side should be done to lead the patient proper way. Many restricted foods such as rabbit, duck, chicken and fish are best resources of protein rich foods which are available in the village. Emphasis should be laid upon breaking down fallacious and supersititious food taboos through the extended nutrition education activities in order to improve food habit and good eating pattern for healthier and stronger generations of Korea.