• 천문학논총
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• 제33권3호
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• pp.31-44
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• 2018

Song, I-Yeong (1619 ~ ?) was an active astronomer in the Joseon dynasty at the era of adopting the Shixian-li, Chinese calendar in Qing dynasty. His astronomical contribution was recorded in Annals of the Joseon Dynasty, Diary of the Royal Secretariat, Comparative Review of Records and Documents-Its Revision and Enlargement, and Treatise on the Bureau of Astronomy. In addition the details on his life and works were found at the genealogies of the Song Family from Yeonan and the Kim Family from Seonsan. His major astronomical activities can be summarized in three items. First, as a specialist astronomer, he has attempted to make a systematic observation of two comets. Second, he designed and fabricated the Jamyeong-jong, the weight-powered armillary clock, which became a typical model of the astronomical clock in the Joseon dynasty. Last, he served as a royal astronomical professor, greatly contributing on implementing the Shixian-li. Song has concentrated on performing astronomical duties for his royal official service time. Song is regarded as an important astronomer who made it possible to enforce the Shixian-li until the late Joseon dynasty.

• 동의생리병리학회지
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• 제16권1호
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• pp.8-13
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• 2002

Jinguiyuhanjing, one of the Jing-Yue's three writings which were proofread by Lin-Yi et al. in the Song dynasty, can be regarded as the book composed of another text of Shanghanlun. The book has been quoted by some medical scholars in the Song and Jin dynasty, but it has been kept hiding by some collectors from the Yuan dynasty and has not been known to the public until republished by Shi-Jie Chen in the early Ching dynasty. As compared with Shanghanlun, Jinguiyuhanjing shows much difference in contents. Rather, it has a close similarity to Qianjinyifang(千金翼方) written by SunSaiMiao(孫思邈) in the Dang dynasty. The section 1 of Zhengzhizongcongli(證治總例), which may have edited by the man who have also edited Jinguiyuhanjing published between the Nanbei(南北) dynasty and the Sui(隋) and Tang dynasty, has a lot of resemblance to Qianjinyifang. Though the book and Qianjinyifang might have come from the same version, it seems that the edition and publication of Jinguiyuhanjing have no direct relation to those of Qianjinyifang because the former has more articles and prescriptions than the other has. Jinguiyuhanjing gives a great deal of attention to scholars who study the taxt of the Song dynasty because the contents of the book particularly reveals a considerable difference to Shanghanlun published in the Song dynasty. Despite all the importances that the book have, however, no one in Korea did not pay attention to the book ever before. We are sure that it is a valuable work to introduce and study the book in Korea.

• 복식
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• 제52권1호
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• pp.1-19
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• 2002

Kyung(景, 景衣), Which is Wedding ceremonial head dress, Veil. Ancient China. When dynasty is changing. wedding head dress form is different. Old china, Kyung(景) was sleeves attached dress form. But. after Dang(唐) and Song(宋) Dynasty changed square formed clothes, which is put on from head to the shoulder, and another is sleeves attached dress form. In Japan. after Edo Dynasty, Wedding veil, which was sleeves attached dress formed, head dress cloth. Mouei(帽衣). and Piuei(被衣). Ancient Korea have been face covered clothes. Myunuei(面衣). from Buyo(夫餘) to the south Silla(남국신라) Dynasty. Koryo(高麗) dynasty. likeness of the Song Dynasty square formed head wear, Mongsu(蒙首), and Kedu(蓋頭). When Chosen(朝鮮) Dynasty, Kyunguei(景衣), which was square formed 12 chuk size head wear of the blue colored veil. When King and Queen finished wedding ceremony in the another palace, Queen following the King, go to the palace. who put on the wedding veil, Kyungui(景衣), in the papanquin.

• 비교문화연구
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• 제23권
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• pp.383-418
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• 2011

The purpose of this research is to find out how the Chinese Bronze Epigraphy has developed and how it has influenced the Chinese Academic field. The Chinese Bronze Epigraphy started from the Han dynasty, however it didn't reach the professional academic stage. After the Song Dynasty it started to be studied in full scale. Therefore, it is reasonable to see that the start of the study of bronze was from the Song dynasty. In the Qing Dynasty, the study in Epigraphy was extended on again. ShuoWenJieZi that was written by XuShen in the Han Dynasty. KaoGuTuShiWen that was written by $L{\check{u}}DaLin$ in the Song Dynasty. ShuoWenGuZhouBu that was written by WuDaCheng in the Qing Dynasty. JinWenBian that was written by RongGeng in the Republican era. This thesis examines the contents of ShuoWenGuZhouBu and JinWenBian and then synthetically compares and analyzes them. The conclusion of this study is as follows. It cannot be denied that ShuoWenJieZi and KaoGuTuShiWen significantly affected the birth of ShuoWenGuZhouBu and JinWenBian.

• 동양고전연구
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• 제62호
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• pp.67-85
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• 2016

본고는 원말명초(元末明初) 문학의 전개과정을 검토하면서 명대(明代) 초기 관각문학의 기틀을 다졌던 송렴(宋濂) 문학의 위치를 점검해 보았다. 그는 명대 문학사에서 도학자적 문학관을 견지했던 것으로 단순 요약되고 있지만, 그 과정은 그리 간단하지 않다. 본고는 문학론과 관련된 송렴의 글을 연대기적으로 분석함을 통해 그가 청 장년기까지도 진한고문(秦漢古文) 등의 고문사(古文辭)에 빠져 오랫동안 헤어 나오지 못했음을 밝힐 수 있었다. 송렴은 삼십 세에 스승 황진(黃?)과의 만남을 계기로 육경에 침잠하며 도학적 문예관을 가지게 되었지만 고문사의 유혹을 완전히 떨쳐버리지는 못했다. 오십 이후 주원장(朱元璋)을 도와 명 건국의 주역으로 참여하게 되면서 비로소 자신의 경세적 문학관을 실천적으로 확립하였고, 이후 자신의 도학적-경세적 문학관을 이론적으로 정립할 수 있었다. 그리고 이 과정은 또한 청 장년기 그 자신의 문학 수련의 주요한 대상이자 명초의 가장 중요한 문학적 전범이기도 하였던, "사기" 등의 진한고문을 부정하는 과정이기도 하였다. 요약하면, 원말명초의 격동의 시기에 송렴은 개인적, 시대적으로 문학관의 변화를 겪으며, 그 생애 말년에 육경 및 송대의 도학자와 한유(韓愈) 구양수(歐陽脩) 등의 당송고문을 성인(聖人)의 문(文)으로 통하는 치세의 문학으로 재정립함으로써 명대 문학의 이념적 좌표와 새로운 문학적 전범을 제시하고 있었던 것이다.

• 중국학논총
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• 제61호
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• pp.19-47
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• 2019

In modern Chinese, 'Qu去' is mainly used as a verb in the meaning of 'go', and 'Wang往' is used as a preposition to indicate the direction of movement in the meaning of 'toward'. Historically, both 'Qu去' and 'Wang往' have been mainly used as moving verbs. We also pay attention to their common feature that they were used as noun, adjective and preposition, and the other feature that 'Qu去' and 'Lai来', 'Wang往' and 'Lai来' were used as typical antonyms each other. Based on the research results of the existing scholars, this study examined the part of speech, the meaning and usage in connection with the appearance of 'Qu去' and 'Wang往' in Tang-Song Dynasty. Chapter II examined usage of 'Qu去' and 'Wang往' prior to Tang-Song Dynasty, and Chapter III looked into the use of 'Qu去' and 'Wang往' in Tang-Song Dynasty by analyzing actual example sentences.

• 해양환경안전학회지
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• 제10권1호
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• pp.41-50
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• 2004

중국의 조선기술은 유구하고 찬란한 발전역사를 가지고 있으며 세계 고대 조선기술사에서 아주 중요한 자리를 차지하고 있다. 지금까지 조선기술사의 연구경향은 서양 조선기술사에 편중되어 있었기 때문에 중국 조선기술사에 관한 연구는 이러한 결함을 보완 할 것이다, 인류사회의 발전과 더불어 조선기술도 급속히 발전되었다. 송대(960-1279년)에 이르러 중국의 조선업은 크게 발전되었으며, 그 특징으로는 선박의 대형화, 조선기지와 선박수량의 현저한 증가, 조선기술의 제고와 설비의 발전으로 나타난다. 송대의 조선기술은 원명(元明)시대의 조선기술 발전에 토대를 마련하였다. 따라서 교량역할을 한 송대의 조선기술을 연구함으로써 중국의 조선기술의 발전사를 알아볼 수 있을 것이다.

• Acta Via Serica
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• 제6권2호
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• pp.37-60
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• 2021

Before the tenth century, the dress of elite women in and around China often reflected "Han" Chinese fashions and preferences. In funerary paintings and relief sculptures of Sogdian and Xianbei couples from the sixth century, for example, women wear "Han" Chinese-style clothing. Even in the Tang dynasty (ca. 618-907), when exchange with Central Asia via overland Silk Road trade impacted the styles and patterning of elite dress and men incorporated clear Central Asian attributes into their dress, elite women in the Tang sphere wore recognizably Tang fashions. Chinese-style dress in these centuries clearly conveyed cultural import and, likely, political power, especially after the founding of the Tang dynasty. However, the straightforward borrowing of Tang women's dress shifted in the Khitan Liao dynasty (ca. 907-1125). The Liao, in contrast to other states that shared a border with China in previous centuries, saw themselves as political equals to the Song dynasty (ca. 960-1278) court in the south. The Liao court was interested in Song customs and culture and incorporated artistic motifs and practices from the Song court. However, the Liao courtly idiom was never fully subsumed into the greater world of the Song - rather, the Liao used facets of Song courtly culture for their own ends. One way this is manifested is through the dual administrative system, a bureaucratic organization that, among other things, regulated and distinguished between who was permitted to wear Khitan and non-Khitan dress. In this paper, I will examine the material evidence from funerary contexts for how the dress of elite Liao women both engaged with the dress of the Song, while also maintaining a certain amount of cultural autonomy. Through their dress, elite Liao women signaled clear messages about their status, identity, and difference to their Song counterparts.

• 한국농촌생활과학회지
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• 제8권2호
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• pp.93-110
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• 1997

The customs of women s riding horse was prevalent in thriving period. The face toilet was mainly used by Gau Chang pattern. Wha Jun (chinen; Hwa-Qun(화전), make-up on forehead), was influenced nearly by Gua Chang and distantly by India. Penciling eyebrows with blue was transmitted from persia. Chinese cosmetics was most influenced during Tang Dynasty for it's colorful make-up and facial decorations such as Aek-Whang(액황), Wha-Jung(화전), Jang-Yob(장엽), Swa-Hong(사홍) and those made many Dynasty, since those kinds of styles were the result of mixture between traditional chinese and western styles, it became so unique and diverse. The Declining period of the Tang Dynasty has begun from the turning point, resulting from Rebellion of An Ru Sha'. Rebellion of An Ru Sha' made the chinese people have a sense of precaution, and an antipathy against babarian. Furthermore, the power of Tang Dynasty onto the countries bordering on western china unfortunately was declining due to the defeat at 99 the Talas war in 751. As the fashion of ‘Ho’ disappeared the costume pattern was restored to the traditional Chinese style of large sleeve and broad width. However, the Tibetan mode was appeared in women's hair style and face toilet since Yuan Ha (801-812). In Song Dynasty, women's make-up and adorment were originated from Dang Dynasty, but those were more simple than in Dang Dynasty.

• 한국식생활문화학회지
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• 제27권3호
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• pp.316-323
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• 2012

This study examined the prevalence of the traditional pressed sweet called dasik recorded in 15 Joseon dynasty (1392-1909) royal palace studies. The ingredients used in Dasik during the Joseon dynasty were categorized into 43% cereal powders, 18.6% tree fruits, 17.4% flower powders, 11.6% root clods, 8.2% dry-fish beef powders, and 1.2% vegetables. In the early era of the Joseon dynasty there were no reports of dasik in the royal palace. In the middle era of the Joseon dynasty there was one report of dasik in the royal palace. But in the late era of the Joseon dynasty there were 85 kinds of dasik reported in the royal palace. The most common ingredients were, most common first, Song-wha (松花), Huek-im (黑荏), Hwang-yul (黃栗), Nok-mal (菉末), and chungtae (靑太). The appearance and taste of dasik varied greatly throughout the time period, eventually resulting in nutrient supplementation. This observation may be associated with the commercial industrial development that prevailed during the late Joseon dynasty. Further investigation will be conducted on the recipes and ingredients recorded in these old studies to develop a standardized recipe for the globalization of dasik.