• The Korean Journal of Gastroenterology
• /
• v.72 no.6
• /
• pp.286-294
• /
• 2018

Background/Aims: The predictive factors of functional dyspepsia (FD) remain controversial. Therefore, we sought to investigate symptom responses in FD patients after Helicobacter pylori (H. pylori) eradication and used predictive factor analysis to identify significant factors of FD resolution at one-year after commencing eradication therapy. Methods: This prospective, multi-center clinical trial was performed on 65 FD patients that met Rome III criteria and had H. pylori infection. Symptom responses and factors that predicted poor response were determined by analysis one year after commencing H. pylori eradication therapy. Results: A total of 63 patients completed the one-year follow-up. When an eradication success group (n=60) and an eradication failure group (n=3) were compared with respect to FD response rate at one year, results were as follows; complete response 73.3% and 0.0%, satisfactory response 1.7% and 0.0%, partial response 10.0% and 33.3%, and refractory response 15.0% and 66.7%, respectively (p=0.013). Univariate analysis showed persistent H. pylori infection (p=0.021), female gender (p=0.025), and medication for FD during the study period (p=0.013) were associated with poor FD response at one year. However, age, smoking, alcohol consumption, and underlying disease were not found to affect response. Finally, multivariate analysis showed that female gender (OR, 4.70; 95% CI, 1.17-18.88) was the sole independent risk factor of poor FD response at one year after commencing H. pylori eradication therapy. Conclusions: Female gender was found to predict poor response in FD patients despite H. pylori eradication. Furthermore, successful H. pylori eradication appears to be associated with FD improvement, but the number of non-eradicated patients was too small to conclude.

• Journal of the Korean Applied Science and Technology
• /
• v.36 no.1
• /
• pp.174-188
• /
• 2019

The present study was carried out to investigate the emulsifying properties of heat-treated octenyl succinic anhydride(OSA) starch and the interfacial structure at oil droplet surface in emulsions stabilized by heat-treated OSA starch. First, the aqueous suspensions of OSA starch were heated at $80^{\circ}C$ for 30 min. Oil-in-water emulsions were then prepared with the heat-treated OSA starch suspension as sole emulsifier and their physicochemical properties such as fat globule size, surface load, zeta-potential, dispersion stability, confocal laser scanning microscopic image(CLSM) were determined. It was found that fat globule size decreased as the concentration of OSA starch in emulsions increased, showing a lower limit value ($d_{32}:0.31{\mu}m$) at ${\geq}0.2wt%$. Surface load increased steadily with increasing OSA starch concentration in emulsions, possibly forming multiple layers. In addition, fat globule sizes were also influenced by pH: they were increased in acidic conditions and these results were interpreted in view of the change in zeta potentials. The dispersion stability by Turbiscan showed that it was more unstable in emulsions at acidic condition. Heat-treated OSA starch found to adsorb at the oil droplet surface as some forms of membrane (not starch granules), which might be indicative of stabilizing mechanism of OSA starch emulsions to be steric forces.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
• /
• v.96
• /
• pp.209-223
• /
• 2019

The Iron Seated Buddha sculpture in the National Museum of Korea had long sat unregistered in storage at the museum. However, a new accession number "bon9976" has recently been assigned to it. This sculpture was excavated from the neighborhood of Heungnyongsa Temple in Baekun-ri, Yidong-myeon, Pocheon-gun, Gyeonggi-do Province together with another Iron Seated Buddha sculpture(bon9975) called "Iron Buddha from Pocheon." A comparison and examination of Gelatin Dry Plate and official documents from the Joseon Government-General Museum during the Japanese occupation period have revealed that these two Iron Buddha sculptures were transferred to the Museum of the Government-General of Korea on December 17, 1925. The Iron Seated Buddha sculpture(bon9976) has a height of 105 centimeters, width at the shoulders of 57 centimeters, and width at the knee of 77 centimeters. The Buddha is wearing a robe with rippling drapery folds and the right shoulder exposed. He is seated in the position called gilsangjwa(the seat of good fortune) in which the left foot is placed over the right thigh. The features of the Buddha's oval face are prominently sculpted. The voluminous cheeks, eye sockets in a large oval shape, slanted eyes, short nose, and plump lips can also be found in other ninth-century Iron Seated Buddha sculptures at Silsangsa Temple in Namwon, Jeollanam-do Province, Hancheonsa Temple in Yecheon, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, and Samhwasa Temple in Donghae-si, Gangwon-do Province. Moreover, its crossed legs, robe exposing the right shoulder, and rippling drapery folds suggest that this sculpture might have been modeled after the main Buddha sculpture of the Seokguram Grotto from the eighth century. The identity of this Iron Seated Buddha can be determined using the Gelatin Dry Plate(M442-2, M442-7). In them, the Buddha has its right palm facing upwards and holds a medicine jar on its left palm. Until now, the Iron Seated Bhaiṣajyagura(Medicine) Buddha(bon1970) excavated from Wonju has been considered the sole example of an iron Medicine Buddha sculpture. However, this newly registered Iron Seated Buddha turns out to be a Medicine Buddha holding a medicine jar. Furthermore, it serves as valuable material since traces of gilding and lacquering clearly remain on its surface. This Iron Seated Buddha sculpture (bon9976) is presumed to have been produced around the ninth century under the influence of Esoteric Buddhism by the Monk Doseon(827~898), a disciple of the Monk Hyecheol, to protect the temple and help the country overcome geographical shortcomings. According to the records stored at Naewonsa Temple(later Heungnyongsa Temple), Doseon selected three significant sites, including Baegunsan Mountain, built "protector" temples, created the Bhaisajyagura Buddha triad, and enshrined them at the temples. Moreover, the inscription on the stele on the restoration of Seonamsa Temple states that Doseon constructed temples and produced iron Buddha sculptures to help the country surmount certain geographical shortcomings. Heungnyongsa Temple is located in Dopyeong-ri, Yidong-myeon, Pocheon-si, Gyeonggi-do Province. This region appears to have been related to rituals directed to the Medicine Buddha since Yaksa Temple(literally, "the temple of medicine") was built here during the Goryeo Dynasty, and the Yaksa Temple site with its three-story stone pagoda and Yaksadong Valley still exist in Dopyeong-ri.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.42
• /
• pp.71-103
• /
• 2014

Park Se-dang (朴世堂, 1629-1703) is a figure rebuked as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon" (斯文亂賊), having composed the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo (南華經註解刪補), the sole commentary on every chapter of the Zhuangzi (莊子) in Joseon Dynasty. This article purports to articulate the significance of Park Se-dang's composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo within Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, through the comparison between him and Zhu Xi (朱熹, 1130-1200), the founder of Neo-Confucianism, the mainstream ideology of Joseon Dynasty, in their recognition of the Zhuangzi. Since Neo-Confucianism attained an absolute status as the canonical doctrine in Joseon Dynasty, the other thoughts, including the thoughts of the Laozi and the Zhuangzi, could not be discussed without their relationship with it. Park Se-dang's recognition of the Zhuangzi does not deviate far from Zhu Xi's recognition of it. While his composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo might be said to have inherited and deepened Zhu Xi's recognition, it can also be seen as an attempt to escape from Neo-Confucianism in some aspects. Due to this complication, when the faction of the Noron (老論, a faction separated from the Seoin in the Joseon Dynasty, the hard-liners) rebuked him as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon," they did not mention neither his Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong (新註道德經, New Commentary on the Laozi) nor his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo. In his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo, Park Se-dang does not think that the Zhuangzi is in diametrical opposition to Confucian thoughts. Firstly, he emphasizes that Zhuangzi faces the actual world with ultimately positive concern, though from a critical perspective. Secondly, he seeks common grounds between the thoughts of Zhuangzi and Confucians, proving that Zhuangzi emphasizes human relationships between father and son or between king and subject. Thirdly, he illuminates Zhuangzi's theory of human nature from a new perspective in order to reestablish Confucian theory of human nature. Fourthly, he attempts to apply Zhuangzi's thoughts in order to overcome contemporary consumptive political feuds, including the splits of political factions or the disputes about ritual proprieties (禮訟論爭). Park Se-dang's composition of Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong and Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a complementary measure for Confucianism, his proper mainstay being Confucianism. He attempted to escape, not from Confucianism itself, but from the absolutism of Neo-Confucianism. In the 17th century Joseon Dynasty, when Neo-Confucianism was becoming dogmatized and absolutized as a canonical doctrine and a dominant ideology, Park Se-dang's composition of Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a very innovative attempt, which shows that he established himself as a pioneer to escape Neo-Confucianism, having consolidated his own unique and progressive academic province, differentiating himself from traditional Confucian scholars in his objective.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.67
• /
• pp.379-418
• /
• 2017

Weoldae -which we can find inside Joseon palaces- is usually erected in front of important structures including the Main Hall(Jeongjeon, 正殿). There is no clear definition of its nature that we can find in official law codes or dynastic ritual manuals, and such records do not specify what kind of rules should be observed in creating them either. In illustrations of palaces such as and , Weoldae can be seen at structures such as the Main "Jeongjeon" Hall(正殿), Royal office(Pyeonjeon, 便殿), Royal Quarters(Jeongchim, 正寢), Queen's bedroom(Chimjeon, 寢殿), Quarters of the Crown Prince(Dong'gung, 東宮), and other structures. All these structures equipped with a Weoldae were related to special figures inside the royal family such as the king, the queen, the crown prince, and the crown-prince' son. These figures were literally above the law, and as such their treatment could not be defined by law. And these spaces were where they worked or rested while they lived, and where their posthumous tablets(Shinju, 神主) or portraits(Eojin, 御眞) were enshrined after they died. (When such spaces were used for latter purposes, they were designated either as 'Honjeon[魂殿, chamber of the tablet]' or 'Jinjeon[眞殿, hall of portrait']). Joseon was a Confucian dynasty with a strict social stratification system, and the palace structures reflected such atmosphere as well. We can see that structures described with Weoldae in and were structures which were more important than others that did not have a Weoldae. Among structures with Weoldae, the place which hosted most of the dynastic rituals was the Main Hall. In this Main Hall, the King swore an oath himself, passed the incense(香) himself during memorial services, and observed honoring ceremonies[Manbae-rye(望拜禮)] at the "Hwangdan"(皇壇) altar which was built to commemorate the three Ming Emperors. The so-called "Two Palaces[兩闕]" of Joseon shared a unique relationship in terms of their own Weoldae units and the rituals that were held there. In the early half of the Joseon dynasty period, Gyeongbok-gung(景福宮) and Dong'gweol(東闕) constituted the "Two palaces," but after the war with the Japanese in the 1590s during which the Gyeongbok-gung palace was incinerated, Dong'gweol and Seogweol(西闕) came to newly form the "Two palaces" instead. Meanwhile, Changdeok-gung(昌德宮) became the main palace[法宮], replacing the previous one which had been Gyeongbok-gung. In general, when a king moved to another palace, the ancestral tablets in the Honjeon chamber or the portrait in the Jinjeon hall would accompany him as well. Their presence would be established within the new palace. But king Yeongjo was an exception from that practice. Even after he moved to the Gyeong'hi-gung(慶熙宮) palace, he continued to pay visit to the Jinjeon Hall at Changdeok-gung. While he was positioned inside Gyeong'hi-gung, he did not manage the palace with Gyeonghi-gung as its sole center. He tried to manage other palaces like Changdeok-gung and Chang'gyeong-gung(昌慶宮) as well, and as organically as possible.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.36
• /
• pp.203-228
• /
• 2009

ChaeHo Shin's major interests were in the ancient history, among other periods of the Korean history. Shin's depiction of history is characterized by having nation in the heart of history, whose tendency of nationalism was purposefully strong. In general, the nationalism of those times was emphasizing a 'strong' nation, just as in the case of Shin's theory, and at the same time stood for the theory of social evolution with a view to raising the nation in the front line of history. The nationalism, in association with the theory of social evolution, ended up having a propensity that criticizes imperialism on the one hand, and envies it on the other. This inclination is literally shown in Doksasillon (A New Guide to Reading History), which is ChaeHo Shin's research on the ancient history. Doksasillon is a historical essay that was published serially in 50 installments from August 27th through December 13th in 1908. Unlike the existing views in the late 1900s on the ancient history, among other ages of the Korean history, Doksasillon can be called a treatise with a focus on nation. Doksasillon is an incomplete study which can be divided into two parts, introduction and ancient times that is the first volume. It, nevertheless, shows the aspect of a powerful nation activist who tried to surmount the life-and-death crisis of nation by 'recalling' the nation in the period of the late-Joseon and the Korean empire in 1908 and 'rediscovering' the territory. It also reflects a slice of a historian's anguish that attempted to cope with the national crisis by virtue of the 'power' of history. It is ChaeHo Shin who 'rediscovered' the Buyeo tribe as the mainstream of the ancient history of Korea, and recomposed and materialized the ancient history. Shin chose the 'Buyeo tribe' as a principal race, and used it as a representative of the Korean nation in the ancient era, which was because Buyeo and Goguryeo were the strongest. The emphasis laid on the powerful nation in the history of Korea well reflects the efforts of a powerful nation activist in the age of the late-Joseon, and on the other hand, it shows how nationalism came to be formed in Korea. ChaeHo Shin is regarded as a person who lived in the age in which nationalism, which underscores the homogeneity of a nation, had to be stressed as a sole weapon for a nation who was left behind in modernization and whose rights were disseized. Dosasillon shows a process of reconstructing the history of DanKun and the Buyeo tribe and unearthing a hero who was valued as a savior of the nation, which was the reason that ChaeHo Shin wrote a history.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.34
• /
• pp.257-286
• /
• 2009

Yi, Hang-no said that taiji(=li) was Myeong-deok(illustrious virtue), the core of mind and heart, emphasizing the sides of superintendent and mysterious ability of li. It seems that he aimed to stress the upper status of li than qi, out of earlier general theory on mind and heart recognizing both li and qi consisted in the mind and heart. Through it, he wanted to say that only human being had moral mind like taiji and upper moral status than animals which human being should keep. The reason that Yi, Hang-no emphasized the difference between li and qi was because of a critical mind that the upper value of li than qi should not be changed and it would be the most dangerous situation if the value collapsed. Like this, Yi, Hang-no's attitude emphasizing li in his theory of mind and heart eventually aimed to explain the theory of Insim(Desire to be) and Dosim(Moral Mind). Yi, Hang-no's disciples testified that their teacher, Yi, Hang-no had cost his whole life to study the theory of Insim and Dosim. This means that Yi, Hang-no had tried to discriminate between Insim and Dosim, and to block private desires in Insim. The fact that Yi, Hang-no stressed the importance of the theory of Insim and Dosim had to do with the special situation that Western Power approached Joseon dynasty. Because Yi, Hang-no opposed the Westerner's moral consciousness for individual desires, against heavenly orders. To overcome the Western challenge, Yi, Hang-no strived to notice that taiji was the core of human mind. The point that Yi, Hang-no wanted to say was that Dosim(Moral Mind) was just the heavenly orders which human being couldn't disobey. Yi, Hang-no thought that Joseon couldn't defence Western flow without this theory of Insim and Dosim. Just after French invasion(1866), Yi, Hang-no was selected as a high-leveled bureaucrat, so he insisted his opinions for rejecting heterodoxy by the letters to the throne several times. The letters also contained his theory of Insim and Dosim mainly. Insisting fight against Western Power and prohibition of trade with Western Power, Yi, Hang-no eventually emphasized the king's right mind(Dosim) as a main and sole means to achieve all the goals he said. In conclusion, Yi, Hang-no's theory on mind and heart was as it is reflected in his letters to the throne. Therefore we can see that Yi, Hang-no's theory on mind and heart had harmonized with his movement to "Rejecting Heterodoxy".

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business Venturing and Entrepreneurship
• /
• v.16 no.2
• /
• pp.19-34
• /
• 2021

The government budget for promoting startup have been skyrocketed as catching up with increasing demands for high-tech startup by disruptive innovation resulted from rapid technology change. However, major trend of startup have still fallen on self-employed type of startup due to the lack of expertise and fund in spite of desperate government policy efforts. In reality, the access to high-tech startup has been very limited and too high huddle to would-be entrepreneur. This paper implement empirical analysis on the effects of entrepreneur competency and satisfaction level to government support, considering these as the KSF for the growth and success of high-tech startup, to the performance of the company. In particular, it focus on defining unique characteristics of high-tech startup through differential proving by the backgrounds of entrepreneur such as major, R&D experience, patent possession, CTO possession. This research carry out survey to 217 entrepreneurs in high-tech company in Daejon and Daegue at R&D Special Innopolis Zone. Research results are as follow. First, entrepreneurial achievement competencies, conceptualization competencies, network competencies and market recognition competencies positively affect the financial and non-financial performance and organizational and technical competencies, while organizational and technological competencies only positively impact on non-financial performance. Second, the satisfaction level of government support showed a positive moderating effect on entrepreneurial achievement competencies and financial performance, while no significant effect in other competencies. Third, positive differential effect by the technological background of entrepreneur such as Major, R&D experience, patent possession, CTO possession) have been confirmed. This paper deliver several significant implications and contributions, First, it propose classified and systematized entrepreneur competency through the domestic and foreign literature reviews. Second, it proves the need for the wider spread of team based startup culture rather then sole startup. Third, it also proves the important role of technological background of entrepreneur among the characteristics of high-tech startup.

• The Journal of Korean Society for Radiation Therapy
• /
• v.33
• /
• pp.15-24
• /
• 2021

This study is about the introduction and usefulness evaluation of the manufacturing method of the bolus-helmet. Helmet-production for the treatment of scalp tumor patients has been tried and will continue in many creative and various ways. However, Most of the research data did not significantly reduce the psychological burden and physical and physical discomfort that the patient had to bear due to the time and economic cost required for the production of the helmet, the convenience of production, and the complexity of the process. In addition, recently, studies using more advanced technologies and equipment such as 3D-printer technology, which are being studied as a way to increase the treatment effect, are being introduced, but the time, economic cost, and psychological and physical burden are still the sole responsibility of the patient. Isn't it getting worse? The reality is that the thoughts of concern cannot be erased. Therefore, by maintaining the physical properties of the bolus and manufacturing a helmet without incurring additional costs, the physical and physical discomfort aggravated to the patient was reduced and the procedure and time for helmet manufacturing were minimized. In this way, it was possible to reduce the time, economic cost, and physical discomfort required for the production of the helmet, and it was also possible to minimize the psychological burden of the patient, although it is invisible. Additionally, in evaluating the usefulness of helmets, we are able to continuously seek and develop ways to reduce the air-gap interval, and as a result, we will be able to introduce a method to keep it within 2.0mm along with the manufacturing method through this study. I feel very welcome. Finally, I hope that anyone working in the Department of Radiation Oncology will be able to easily manufacture the helmet required for radiation therapy using a bolus through the guide-line on helmet manufacturing provided by this institute. I hope and hope that if you have any questions or inquiries that arise during the production process, please feel free to contact us through the researcher's e-mail or mobile phone at any time.

• Journal of Bio-Environment Control
• /
• v.31 no.1
• /
• pp.14-21
• /
• 2022

Uniform scions and rootstocks should be produced to ensure grafting success. Light quality is an important environmental factor that regulates seedling growth. The effects of warm- and cool-white light emitting diode (LED) ratios on seedling growth were investigated. Scions and rootstocks of cucumber, tomato, and watermelon were grown in a closed transplant production system using LED as the sole lighting source. The LED treatments were W1C0 (only warm-white), W1C1 (warm-white: cool-white = 1:1), W3C1 (warm-white: cool-white = 3:1), and W5C2 (warm-white: cool-white = 5:2). The seedlings grown in W1C1 had the shortest hypocotyls, and the seedlings grown in W1C0 had the longest hypocotyls among the three tested vegetables. The hypocotyls of watermelon scions, watermelon rootstocks, and tomato rootstocks were shortest in W1C1, followed by those in W3C1, W5C2, and W1C0, but there was no significant difference between W3C1 and W5C2, which remained the same as the ratio of cool-white LEDs increased. In addition, tomato scions had the first and second longest hypocotyls in W1C0 and W3C1, respectively, and the shortest hypocotyls in W5C2 and W1C1, along with W5C2 and W1C1, although the difference was not significant. The stem diameter was highest in W1C0 except for tomato seedlings and rootstocks of watermelon. The shoot fresh weight of scions and rootstocks of cucumber and watermelon and the root fresh weight of cucumber scions were lowest in W1C1. These results indicated that different ratios of LED lighting sources had a strong effect on the hypocotyl elongation of seedlings.