This paper is devoted to the examination of the identity of the Sogdian descendants and their historical role in the second millennium CE. More specifically, it discusses the Sogdian connection to the later Iranic-speaking peoples of Central Asia, namely, the Sarts and the Tajiks. It then discusses the symbiotic relationship between the Sogdian descendants and the Mongols and the Mongol descendants (Chaghatays and Uzbeks) in Central Asia. In sum, this paper argues that the Sogdians did not perish after the Arab conquest of Central Asia in the eighth century CE. They survived under new exonyms Sart and Tajik. Like the Sogdians in pre-Islamic Central Asia, the Tajiks or Sarts played important historical roles in the Mongol and post-Mongol states of Central Asia, maintaining a symbiotic relationship with the nomad elites.
The four walls of mural paintings in Afrasiab, Samarkand, have discovered: the indian-concept east wall, the west with the paintings of envoys from a number of countries bringing in King's letters or gifts, the south describing traditional ceremony celebrating the new year, the north with a picture of a Chinese princess on board beside hunting scenes. Overall, Sogdians in Afrasiab mural paintings of 7th century had following costume codes: a very short haircut or the Turkic queue, a rather-narrow-sleeved caftan with round-neck, a belt and boots. The west wall showed various costume style of a set of envoys from countries. First, a Turkic envoy had 3-6 rows of long plaits, wearing a caftan with two lapels and a belt - interestingly, Sogdian and Turkic nobles didn't wear pochettes. Second, a Chaganiyan had a hairband on his short hair, and his colorful round-neck caftan is decorated with animal-patterned medallions and a golden belt. Third, a Chach wore a jewelled hairband, putting gaiters on his pants. Forth, a Chinese was in putou with a round-neck caftan, and with a belt and sword around his waist. Lastly, also appeared a Koguryo envoy in white putou with a double-bird-feathered crown on top, wearing a long-sleeved yellow v-neck top, a belt, narrow-cuffed pants and boots. Identical to the Sogdian statues excavated in various regions of China are the appearance of big eyes and nose -similar to the warrior stone in Korea- a hairband, and a pochette down from the waist line. During this period, white and red were considered as prevailing colors for clothing: red and yellow among Turks. The costumes of characters in Afrasiab mural paintings were preferably made with the animal-patterned, sophiscated samite Zandanachi of Sogdiana.
This paper discusses textile motifs depicted in the hunting panels inside the late Sasanian larger grotto at Taq-i Bustan. Scholars of Iranian art have referred to these rock reliefs in order to trace the origin of Sasanian textile decorations and their exportation in the whole medieval Eurasian continent. This however does not seem to be the case. In fact, the textile motifs reproduced at Taq-i Bustan could be a good term of comparison only for late Sasanian textile production. Moreover, nothing like this has appeared in previous Sasanian rock reliefs. For this reason, the present paper argues that some of those motifs could actually be importations from Central Asia where reproductions of textiles embellished with those motifs were very popular. Islamic written sources on Taq-i Bustan rock reliefs could be very useful to support some ideas expressed in this paper.
Nana was an important patron deity in the Kušan Empire and the most important deity worshipped by Emperor Kaniška (c. 127-150 CE). She was the head of the royal dynastic pantheon at this time. The cult of Nana may already have existed in Central Asia prior to the arrival of Indo-Iranians in the region, since she appears on a BMAC seal dating to the early second millennium BCE. Similarly, her cult in Bactria may pre-date her appearance in the Kušan pantheon by over two millennia. The spread of Nana's cult over such vast distances vividly illustrates the cultural connections (presumably stemming mostly from trade) that existed from prehistoric times linking the Mediterranean world to that of Central Asia and beyond, with the Iranian plateau at its center. The prevalence of Sogdian coins bearing Nana's name suggests that she was also the principal deity of Sogdiana. In Bactria, the goddess Ardoxšo (Avestan Aši vaŋvhī) was also worshipped by Kušāns and appeared on their coins. Nana, who was associated with war, fertility, wisdom, and water, was also equated with the Iranian goddesses Anāhitā, Aši, and Ārmaiti. The cult of Nana-Ārmaiti was widespread throughout eastern Iran.
Both in popular perception and specialized literature, the Achaemenid Empire, for over two centuries the most important player from the Aegean to the Indus, is rarely evoked in correlation with the complex of socio-cultural dynamics which shaped the spaces of what has become known as the Silk Road(s). Building on the case study of the Pazyryk carpet on the one hand (King 2021, 353-361, Linduff and Rubinson 2021, 88-97), and of the spread of an artistic motive such as the quatrefoil on the other (Kim 2021), this paper explores the rich and complex nature of the commercial networks that flourished across Central Asia under the aegis of Achaemenid Great Kings. Both archaeological and literary evidence shall be discussed (especially the Aramaic Documents from Ancient Bactria: Naveh and Shaked 2012, and now King 2021, 315-320). If taken together and read against the grain, such material is significant for the following reasons. First, it suggests the existence - and the scale - of commercial activities directly fostered or indirectly promoted by the imperial administration in Central Asia, an area of crucial importance within the Achaemenid domains, but for which our evidence is rather scanty and difficult to assess. Second, it shows how the Achaemenid "Imperial Paradigm" (Henkelman 2017) affected the social and economic landscape of Central Asia even after the demise of the Empire itself, thus considerably shaping the world of the Silk Road(s) a century before the Ancient Sogdian Letters (de la Vaissière 2005, 43-70) or Zhāng Quiān's famous report.
This study aims to find out the trouser types of the ancient tribes after analyzing various types of trousers discovered on the reliefs of the Achaemenian period of Persia. Then use the results of the analysis as basic data for a study on the Korean trousers type during the ancient times. For this, a theoretical background on the ancient tribes is developed by referring to the literature documents of literature, and European archeologists' papers and photo data are collected and analyzed as well. In addition to the above data, the data, which have been collected by researchers through a field study are comparatively analyzed. In terms of width, the trousers of the ancient tribes have been divided into three types: narrow, average and wide. Each type has diverse forms. The trouser types varied depending on the tribes, the regions and the manufacturing dates of the reliefs. The narrow type was popular among Median, Scythian and Kappadokian, while the average type was frequently worn by Bactrian and Sogdian who lived in the highlands in the northeastern part of Iran. Lastly, the wide type was mostly found in the southeast of Iran(Arachosia, Aria and Drangiana). The fact that trousers were discovered together with boots has been useful in guessing the lifestyle of ancient tribes. Also, even within the same tribe, the form of the trousers and how they were worn changed depending on the time period.
This paper attempts to reveal little-known pages from the history of relations between the peoples of Central Asia and Korea based on materials derived from written sources and modern scientific literature, as well as from medieval wall paintings from the early medieval Afrasiab Palace of Varhuman, the ruler of Samarkand, and from stone sculptures of Sogdian figures contained in Silla royal tombs. Korea's interest in the western lands led to its contact with Buddhism, which spread and later flourished in all three Korean kingdoms (Koguryo, Paekche and Silla). The spread of Buddhism in turn motivated a number of Korean monks to undertake pilgrimages to India via Central Asia. Hyecho, a young Silla pilgrim, left evidence of his journey via the South China Sea to India in 723 AD. Paul Pelliot discovered a report from Hyecho's journey entitled Notes on Pilgrimage to Five Regions in India (Wang Wu Tianzhuguo zhuan) in the Dunhuang caves in 1908. Hyecho's contributions are worthy of attention, substantially complementing knowledge available for this little-studied period in the history of South and Central Asia. The information contained in Hyecho's manuscript is, in fact, considered the most significant work of the first half of the 8th century. Research regarding the relationship between Central Asia and Korea remains underdeveloped. Existing historical evidence, however, including the above mentioned Samarkand wall paintings, depicts the visits of two Korean ambassadors to Samarkand, and evidence from Silla tombs suggests the presence of diplomatic relations in addition to trade between the two regions. Overall, the history of the relationship between Central Asia and Korea yields new insights into how and why these distant countries sustained trade and diplomatic and cultural exchange during this early period. Taking into account Korea's growing interest in Uzbekistan, especially in its history and culture, this article can act as a catalyst for studying the history of the two country's relations.
Before the tenth century, the dress of elite women in and around China often reflected "Han" Chinese fashions and preferences. In funerary paintings and relief sculptures of Sogdian and Xianbei couples from the sixth century, for example, women wear "Han" Chinese-style clothing. Even in the Tang dynasty (ca. 618-907), when exchange with Central Asia via overland Silk Road trade impacted the styles and patterning of elite dress and men incorporated clear Central Asian attributes into their dress, elite women in the Tang sphere wore recognizably Tang fashions. Chinese-style dress in these centuries clearly conveyed cultural import and, likely, political power, especially after the founding of the Tang dynasty. However, the straightforward borrowing of Tang women's dress shifted in the Khitan Liao dynasty (ca. 907-1125). The Liao, in contrast to other states that shared a border with China in previous centuries, saw themselves as political equals to the Song dynasty (ca. 960-1278) court in the south. The Liao court was interested in Song customs and culture and incorporated artistic motifs and practices from the Song court. However, the Liao courtly idiom was never fully subsumed into the greater world of the Song - rather, the Liao used facets of Song courtly culture for their own ends. One way this is manifested is through the dual administrative system, a bureaucratic organization that, among other things, regulated and distinguished between who was permitted to wear Khitan and non-Khitan dress. In this paper, I will examine the material evidence from funerary contexts for how the dress of elite Liao women both engaged with the dress of the Song, while also maintaining a certain amount of cultural autonomy. Through their dress, elite Liao women signaled clear messages about their status, identity, and difference to their Song counterparts.
The article deals with issues related to the tradition of carpet production on the territory of Kazakhstan where, for the most part, tribes engaged in nomadic livestock raising lived. Analyzing the technological component of this traditional craft, the author focuses on the main factor that influenced carpet weaving along with arts and crafts-the nomadic method of production of the Kazakhs. The study of the ideological component that accompanies the process of making various types of carpets allows us to conclude that it has a sacred meaning and subordination to myth, rite, and ritual. At the mythmaking level, the process of making carpets, like any other activity among nomads, personified the process of creating the world, the marriage of Kok-Tengri (Heaven) and Zher-Su (Earth), and the creation of the Cosmos from Chaos. The process of carpet weaving, as well as the process of making felt, symbolized the act of creation, the marriage of Heaven and Earth, and male and female principles. The study of various types of ornaments that Kazakhs and their ancestors used to decorate carpets allows us to conclude that the ornament applied to carpet products was the bearer of the most valuable information about the mythological worldview of the people. Carpets in their structure reproduced the structure of the Universe, which has a binary, ternary, and quaternary system. The ornament has turned into a kind of coded text, reflecting ideas about the cosmogonic structure of the Universe and an awareness of the harmony of the world. The location of Kazakhstan on the northern routes of the Sogdian Road (Great Silk Road) allowed the spread of various ideas, due to which carpet weaving was influenced by other peoples in technical and stylistic design.
During the Old Uighur period, many works were translated into Old Uighur under the influence of Buddhism. Among these works, literary works such as $Da{\acute{s}}akarmapath{\bar{a}}vad{\bar{a}}nam{\bar{a}}l{\bar{a}}$ hold an important place. These works were usually translated from Pali to Sanskrit, from Sanskrit to Sogdian, Tocharian and Chinese, and to Old Uighur from these languages. These works which were added to the Old Uighur repertoire by translation indicate that different peoples along the ancient Silk Road had deep linguistic interactions with one another. Aside from these works, other narratives that we have been so far unable to determine whether they were translations, adaptations or original works have also been discovered. The Tale of King Chashtana, which was found in the work titled $Da{\acute{s}}akarmapath{\bar{a}}vad{\bar{a}}nam{\bar{a}}l{\bar{a}}$, is one of the tales we have been unable to classify as a translation or an original work. This tale has never been discovered with this title or this content in the languages of any of the peoples that were exposed to Buddhism along the Silk Road. On the other hand, the person whom the protagonist of this tale was named after has a very important place in the history of India, one of the countries that the Silk Road goes through. Saka Mahakshatrapa Chashtana (or Cashtana), a contemporary of Nahapana, declared himself king in Gujarat. A short time later, Chashtana, having invaded Ujjain and Maharashtra, established a powerful Saka kingdom in the west of India. His descendants reigned in the region for a long time. Another important fact about Chashtana is that coinage minted in his name was used all along the Silk Road. Chashtana, who became a significant historical figure in north western India, inspired the name of the protagonist of a tale in Old Uighur. That it is probable that the tale of King Chashtana is an original Old Uighur tale and not found in any other languages of the Silk Road brings some questions to mind: Who is Chashtana, the hero of the story? Is he related to the Saka king Chashtana in any way? What sort of influence did Chashtana have on the Silk Road and its languages? If this tale which we have never encountered in any other language of the Silk Road is indeed an original tale, why did the Old Uighurs use the name of an important Saka ruler? Is Saka-Uighur contact in question, given tales of this kind? What can we say about the historical and cultural geography of the Silk Road, given the fact that coinage was minted in his name and used along the Silk Road? In this study, I will attempt to answer these questions and share the information we have gleaned about Chashtana the hero of the tale and the Saka king Chashtana. One of the main aim of this study is to reveal the relationship between the narrative hero Chashtana and the Saka king Chashtana according to this information. Another aim of this study is to understand the history of the Saka, the Uighur and the Silk Road and to reveal the relationship between these three important subjects of history. The importance of the Silk Road will be emphasized again with the understanding of these relations. In this way, new information about Chashtana, who is an important name in the history of the India and the Silk Road, will be put forward. The history of the Sakas will be viewed from a different perspective through the Old Uighur Buddhist story.
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