• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.875-883
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• 2021

In view of integration and development, compliance with regulations on information disclosure has important implications for users. Corporate social responsibility disclosure (CSRD) is an increasing concern of the community and society. CSRD always poses many challenges for the profitability of banks. The article uses the ordinary least square method to examine this relationship and employs timeseries data of five years from 18 Vietnamese listed banks from 2015 to 2019. The analysis is informed by Jensen and Meckling's Agency theory, Freeman's Stakeholder theory, and Dowling and Pfeffer's Legitimacy theory. The study results show that, with the CSRD dependent variable, return on assets (ROA) and net interest margin (NIM) have an opposite influence, but return on equity (ROE) has no effect on CSRD, while on the profitability dependent variable, CSRD has a different influence from ROA, ROE, and NIM. To enhance the relationship between CSRD and profitability, Vietnamese listed banks need to comply with CSRD as well as demonstrate responsibility to the community and society. Managers need to have clear development policies and strategies to ensure both profitability and responsibility regarding social and community activities. The State Securities Commission of Vietnam should enforce strict sanctions, conduct inspection, and complete evaluation criteria for Vietnamese listed banks.

• Journal of Korea Game Society
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• v.11 no.6
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• pp.159-170
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• 2011

It seems that social distrust toward morality of video games has not been deducted even the influence of video game has increased drastically for last few decades. To rationalize the identity of video game and its social legitimacy, this paper first considered video game genre as a new art form. By doing so, we could derive various aesthetical and moral issues to dispute in modern society. Secondly, by considering former issues, this study could figure out moral vulnerabilities of the genre according to its own form, by categorizing them into virtual reality, interactivity and simulation. To suggest most effective way to overcome its immorality by functionalize social feedbacks which elaborately designed based on John Dewey's pragmatist aesthetics and immoralism.

• Health Policy and Management
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.280-291
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• 2021

Background: Based on the fact that the Korea Medical Dispute Mediation and Arbitration Agency is a public institution established by social demands for medical disputes, this study reviews the publicness of public organization and discusses its policy implications. Methods: Through Moore's strategic triangle, which consists of legitimacy and support, public value and operational capacity, the process of creating public value is examined. For the analysis, case studies were conducted using related literature data from 2012, when the agency was established, to the present. Results: As a result of the analysis, first, the related law examined in the operational capability has been revised dozens of times, but the revised law has its own contradictions and limitations. The human resource system is also being improved, but there is a problem with the fairness and reliability of the arbitration process, especially due to the limitations of the appraiser system. Second, in terms of legitimacy and support, a regional gap occurred despite efforts to improve accessibility through the expansion of the organization. And the arbitration agency failed to reconcile conflicts caused by stakeholders' perception of each other as a trade-off relationship. Third, the public value result shows that, despite many explicit (statistical) achievements, citizens' use of the past dispute resolution means (litigation) has not decreased. Likewise, the perception of value makers (citizens) is important for creating public value as an invisible result, but it has not yet been formally investigated, so the performance can not be recognized. Conclusion: While the organization's efforts for continuous change and improvement are encouraging, it is not perceived as a better means of resolving disputes and improving quality of services. Therefore, it is necessary to reconsider the institutional design centered on value creators.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.31 no.5
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• pp.573-585
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• 2023

Comprehending the prevailing ideals of the body within a specific era requires grasping the intricate interplay between social phenomena and the evolution of clothing. Accordingly, this study investigates the distinctive facets of the perception of the Neo-Confucian body as reflected in men's dress during the Joseon Dynasty. We examine a comprehensive body of scholarship, literature, and historical records concerning the body and dress. Additionally, we also employ a framework developed by M. Y. Kim, which categorizes the Neo-Confucian body in three ways: as the natural body, the cultural body, and the body as a fully-realized moral subject. Our findings unveil three crucial insights: firstly, guided by Neo-Confucian discourse positing appearance as a manifestation of innate energy (氣), men's dress was deliberately designed to demarcate stylistic distinctions in women's dress; secondly, the Chinese gwan (冠) was employed as a tool of self-cultivation (修身) to symbolize the legitimacy of Joseon's Neo-Confucian governance; and thirdly, sim-ui (深衣), a philosophical emblem of Confucianism extensively represented across through an intensified exploration of historical sources, served as a means to consolidate the political standing of the Neo-Confucian faction. As a consequence of these factors, the attire of noble men conferred upon them both sexual and moral ascendancy as political entities; men's dress became a visual manifestation of the legitimacy of their power, thus embodying Neo-Confucian ideals. This study carries significance by applying a discourse analysis approach to Korean dress research and elucidating the factors underlying the development of men's dress during the Joseon Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.79-101
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• 2004

This paper examines the characteristics and determinants of welfare attitudes in Korea. Based on Survey data, this study focuses mainly on how social-economic position variables, welfare status and welfare compliances influence attitudes towards welfare. Welfare attitudes can be classified by five areas as follows: legitimacy of welfare functions, affordability of welfare costs, need-based welfare principles, responsibility of welfare provision and adequacy of welfare spending. There are the major findings. First, attitudes towards welfare is identified state-friendly or pro-welfare attitudes. Second, among the social-economic position variables, welfare status and welfare norms variables, welfare compliance has statistically the most significant effects on welfare attitudes. Third, the level of pro-welfare attitudes is largely determined by welfare norms and images espoused by individuals. These findings suggest that we can not apply cleavages thesis which are developed by studies on the support for welfare state.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.8 no.8
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• pp.453-463
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• 2021

The current study aims to investigate the relationship between CSRD and firm performance, as an indicator for corporate socially responsible behavior, and corporate market performance of listed companies on the Amman stock exchange (ASE). The study adopts a quantitative methodology and utilizes pooled data sets that was collected following content analysis approach of the annual reports for the period 2014 to 2019. The study sample consists of 42 listed companies. The study ran a multiple regression model in order to capture the relationship between the independent variable CSRD and the dependent variable that is Firm performance which was measured using Tobin's Q. The study also utilized five control variables in order to control the hypothesized relationship between CSRD and Firm Performance. The results indicate a negative but significant relationship between CSRD and corporate market performance measured by Tobin's Q. The results stand against the notion of the business case for CSR, and indicate the opposite position, so, the higher CSRD, the lower will be Tobin's Q. Such results support the notion of the institutional theory, and provide an initial evidence for legitimacy seeking behavior in Jordanian companies. However, the results indicate a lower level of awareness of CSR across investors and market players, which support arguments of the difference in market perceptions towards CSR.

• ETRI Journal
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• v.36 no.5
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• pp.865-875
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• 2014

Voice phishing (vishing) uses social engineering, based on people's trust in telephone services, to trick people into divulging financial data or transferring money to a scammer. In a vishing attack, a scammer often modifies the telephone number that appears on the victim's phone to mislead the victim into believing that the phone call is coming from a trusted source, since people typically judge a caller's legitimacy by the displayed phone number. We propose a system named iVisher for detecting a concealed incoming number (that is, caller ID) in Session Initiation Protocol-based Voice-over-Internet Protocol initiated phone calls. Our results demonstrate that iVisher is capable of detecting a concealed caller ID without significantly impacting upon the overall call setup time.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.149-174
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• 2018

Southeast Asians participate in elections eagerly, a fact indexed by the high electoral participation rates across a range of political conditions in the region. What gives elections in Southeast Asia such high legitimacy? Using data from Indonesia and the Philippines, this article emphasizes the need to understand peoples' rationalities, which are informed by meanings generated by prevailing cultural practices. From this perspective, electoralism can be understood as a cultural phenomenon that conforms to the structure of a ritual. Despite the democratic deficit in many electoral exercises, elections share the attractiveness and fun of traditional community festivities. Voters participate in elections as a testament to membership in a community. Although they do not always transform the existing social arrangements, elections embed contradictory impulses in the same way that cockfights do. A procedure of formal democracy authored elsewhere, electoralism has been localized in Southeast Asia and invested with indigenous significance.

• Journal of Physiology & Pathology in Korean Medicine
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.243-250
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• 2014

This study examined the knowledge and understanding of integrative medicine in Korea, specifically conflicts between western and oriental medicine within Parallel (Dual) health care systems. Qualitative methodology using grounded theory guided semi-structured, in-depth interviews with Western Medical Doctors (W.M.D., n = 6), Oriental Medical Doctors (O.M.D., n = 5) and Traditional Chinese Medicine Practitioners (T.C.M.P., n = 4). Thematic analysis was used to determine broad themes from the interviews. 15 professionals (W.M.D. (40%), O.M.D. (33%), T.C.M.P. (27%), 10 males (67%) and 5 females (33%), mean age 45) were interviewed, recorded, and transcribed. Thematic analysis revealed three key themes: systematic conflicts, integration and future directions. Subthemes of systematic conflicts included: credibility of Oriental Medicine, commercial imperatives, maintaining social standing of O.M.D., professional qualifications and lack structures supporting collaborative practice. Integration subthemes included lack of academic linkage and clarity for appropriate triage, opposing medical paradigms and limited social imperative. Future directions should include: social justification, guarantee of oriental medicine legitimacy, role of government and understanding of scientific evidence. To successfully integrate dual medical systems there is a need to address differences in social-environmental factors and perceptions of scientific understanding, as well as developing strong academic links in clinical practice.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.173-218
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• 2009

Bring this analysis down to people-centered development perspective and looking through democratization in the Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia, we find similarities and differences among them related with the intensity of conflicts between development and human rights in the process of democratization in line with global transformation. Civil society in the Philippines criticized the developmental path in the Philippines which failed to implement land reform and eradication of poverty under the transition from 'patrimonial oligarchy' to democracy. In Thailand the coalition of military and the royalists had consolidated its power since Sarit military regime, which later paved the way 'hybrid oligarchy' era. Most Thai civil society organizations has regarded their developmental experience rather as 'maldevelopment' which disregarded economic and social rights. It has been especially believed by Thai localists that the stimulation of local markets and the building of autonomic community society will form the alternative economy without going against the conservative banner of nation, religion and king. Thaksin as a populist successfully took advantage of Thai localist ethos in favour of taking the seat of power. He projected himself as a modernizer focused on economic growth and cleaner politics. However Thaksin's procedural legitimacy was overthrown by counterattacking from military-royalist alliance, pretexting that Thaksin caused internal conflicts and lacked morality. Soeharto's New Order regime which can be called 'administrative oligarchy' had an antipathy towards notions of economic and social rights as well as civil and political rights. In spite of the fact that the fall of Soeharto opened the political space for democratic civil society organizations which had long struggled with development aggression and human rights abuses, there have been continuously a strong political and military reaction against human rights activists, NGOs and ethnic minorities such as Aceh and Papua. Nevertheless, Indonesian democracy is more promising than Philippine's and Thai democracy in terms of comparatively less pre-modern legacies.