• Journal of the Institute of Electronics Engineers of Korea SP
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• v.39 no.5
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• pp.522-534
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• 2002

In this paper, we propose a new object tracking system using stereo images to improve the performance of the automatic object tracking system. The existing object tracking system has optimum characteristics, but it requires a lot of computation. In the case of the image with a single eye, the system is difficult to estimate and track for the various transformation of the object. Because the stereo image by both eyes is difficult to estimate the translation and the rotation, this paper deals with the tracking method, which has the ability to track the image for translation for real time, with block matching algorithm in order to decrease the calculation. The experimental results demonstrate the usefulness of proposed system with the recognition rate of 88% in the rotation, 89% in the translation, 88% in various image, and with the mean rate of 88.3%.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Rural Health Nursing
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.22-30
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• 2009

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to explore the prevalence of Clornorchiasis and related factors, targeting inhabitants living in a 5 Km area of the Yeongsan River and to identify knowledge related to Clornorchiasis and intended behavioral changes related to risk of infection. Method: The data were collected from December 16, 2008 to January 10, 2009. A total of 553 questionnaires were distributed, 28 were deleted as answers were not complete, resulting in 525 copies being used for data analysis, which was done using frequency, percentage, $x^2$-test, and t-test with the SPSS 12.0 program. Results: Clornorchiasis was found in 25 persons of the 525 (4.8%). As for knowledge on Clornorchiasis, the Clornorchiasis group had a higher mean score of 10.08 $({\pm}4.96)$, of a possible 17, than the negative group score of 9.42 $({\pm}4.81)$, but, the difference was not statistically significant. The intended behavioral change related to risk of infection, according to presence of infection or not, was statistically significant. Conclusion: Effective management of Clornorchiasis demands management targeted at the inhabitants living in all of the risk areas without any distinction according to sex, areas, live food diet or not, nor liquor consumption or not.

• Archives of Pharmacal Research
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• v.29 no.6
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• pp.484-489
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• 2006

This Study evaluated the inhibitory action of $luteolin-7-O-{\beta}-D-glucuronopyranoside$, luteolin which was isolated from Salix gilgiana leaves, and omeprazole on reflux esophagitis and gastritis in rats. Reflux esophagitis and gastritis were induced surgically and by the administration of indomethacin, respectively. The intraduodenal administration of $luteolin-7-O-{\beta}-D-glucuronopyranoside$ decreased the ulcer index, injury area, gastric volume and acid output, and increased the gastric pH compared with luteolin. $Luteolin-7-O-{\beta}-D-glucuronopyranoside$ significantly decreased the size of the gastric lesions that had been induced by exposing the gastric mucosa to indomethacin. The malondialdehyde content, which is the end product of lipid peroxidation, was increased significantly after inducing of reflux esophagitis. The malondialdehyde content was decreased by $Luteolin-7-O-{\beta}-D-glucuronopyranoside$ but not luteolin or omeprazole. $Luteolin-7-O-{\beta}-D-glucuronopyranoside$ has a more potent antioxidative effect than luteolin. $Luteolin-7-O-{\beta}-D-glucuronopyranoside$ is a promising drug for the treatment of reflux esophagitis and gastritis.

• The Mathematical Education
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.48-73
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• 1986

Though the tradition of Korean mathematics since the ancient time up to the 'Enlightenment Period' in the late 19th century had been under the influence of the Chinese mathematics, it strove to develop its own independent of Chinese. However, the fact that it couldn't succeed to form the independent Korean mathematics in spite of many chances under the reign of Kings Sejong, Youngjo, and Joungjo was mainly due to the use of Chinese characters by Koreans. Han-gul (Korean characters) invented by King Sejong had not been used widely as it was called and despised Un-mun and Koreans still used Chinese characters as the only 'true letters' (Jin-suh). The correlation between characters and culture was such that, if Koreans used Han-gul as their official letters, we may have different picture of Korean mathematics. It is quite interesting to note that the mathematics in the 'Enlightenment Period' changed rather smoothly into the Western mathematics at the time when Han-gul was used officially with Chinese characters. In Koryo, the mathematics existed only as a part of the Confucian refinement, not as the object of sincere study. The mathematics in Koryo inherited that of the Unified Shilla without any remarkable development of its own, and the mathematicians were the Inner Officials isolated from the outside world who maintained their positions as specialists amid the turbulence of political changes. They formed a kind of Guild, their posts becoming patrimony. The mathematics in Koryo significant in that they paved the way for that of Chosun through a few books of mathematics such as 'Sanhak-Kyemong', 'Yanghwi-Sanpup' and 'Sangmyung-Sanpup'. King Sejong was quite phenomenal in his policy of promotion of mathematics. King himself was deeply interested in the study, createing an atmosphere in which all the high ranking officials and scholars highly valued mathematics. The sudden development of mathematic culture was mainly due to the personality and capacity of king who took anyone with the mathematic talent into government service regardless of his birth and against the strong opposition of the conservative officials. However, King's view of mathematics never resulted in the true development of mathematics perse and he used it only as an official technique in the tradition way. Korean mathematics in King Sejong's reign was based upon both the natural philosophy in China and the unique geo-political reality of Korean peninsula. The reason why the mathematic culture failed to develop continually against those social background was that the mathematicians were not allowed to play the vital role in that culture, they being only the instrument for the personality or politics of the king. While the learned scholar class sometimes played the important role for the development of the mathematic culture, they often as not became an adamant barrier to it. As the society in Chosun needed the function of mathematics acutely, the mathematicians formed the settled class called Jung-in (Middle-Man). Jung-in was a unique class in Chosun and we can't find its equivalent in China or Japan. These Jung-in mathematician officials lacked tendency to publish their study, since their society was strictly exclusive and their knowledge was very limited. Though they were relatively low class, these mathematicians played very important role in Chosun society. In 'Sil-Hak (the Practical Learning) period' which began in the late 16th century, especially in the reigns of Kings Youngjo and Jungjo, which was called the Renaissance of Chosun, the ambitious policy for the development of science and technology called for. the rapid increase of he number of such technocrats as mathematics, astronomy and medicine. Amid these social changes, the Jung-in mathematicians inevitably became quite ambitious and proud. They tried to explore deeply into mathematics perse beyond the narrow limit of knowledge required for their office. Thus, in this period the mathematics developed rapidly, undergoing very important changes. The characteristic features of the mathematics in this period were: Jung-in mathematicians' active study an publication, the mathematic studies by the renowned scholars of Sil-Hak, joint works by these two classes, their approach to the Western mathematics and their effort to develop Korean mathematics. Toward the 'Enlightenment Period' in the late 19th century, the Western mathematics experienced great difficulty to take its roots in the Peninsula which had been under the strong influence of Confucian ideology and traditional Korean mathematic system. However, with King Kojong's ordinance in 1895, the traditional Korean mathematics influenced by Chinese disappeared from the history of Korean mathematics, as the school system was hanged into the Western style and the Western mathematics was adopted as the only mathematics to be taught at the Schools of various levels. Thus the 'Enlightenment Period' is the period in which Korean mathematics shifted from Chinese into European.

• Journal for History of Mathematics
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.91-105
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• 1985

Though the tradition of Korean mathematics since the ancient time up to the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century had been under the influence of the Chinese mathematics, it strove to develop its own independent of Chinese. However, the fact that it couldn't succeed to form the independent Korean mathematics in spite of many chances under the reign of Kings Sejong, Youngjo, and Joungjo was mainly due to the use of Chinese characters by Koreans. Han-gul (Korean characters) invented by King Sejong had not been used widely as it was called and despised Un-mun and Koreans still used Chinese characters as the only "true letters" (Jin-suh). The correlation between characters and culture was such that , if Koreans used Han-gul as their official letters, we may have different picture of Korean mathematics. It is quite interesting to note that the mathematics in the "Enlightenment Period" changed rather smoothly into the Western mathematics at the time when Han-gul was used officially with Chinese characters. In Koryo, the mathematics existed only as a part of the Confucian refinement, not as the object of sincere study. The mathematics in Koryo inherited that of the Unified Shilla without any remarkable development of its own, and the mathematicians were the Inner Officials isolated from the outside world who maintained their positions as specialists amid the turbulence of political changes. They formed a kind of Guild, their posts becoming patrimony. The mathematics in Koryo is significant in that they paved the way for that of Chosun through a few books of mathematics such as "Sanhak-Kyemong, "Yanghwi - Sanpup" and "Sangmyung-Sanpup." King Sejong was quite phenomenal in his policy of promotion of mathematics. King himself was deeply interested in the study, createing an atmosphere in which all the high ranking officials and scholars highly valued mathematics. The sudden development of mathematic culture was mainly due to the personality and capacity of King who took any one with the mathematic talent onto government service regardless of his birth and against the strong opposition of the conservative officials. However, King's view of mathematics never resulted in the true development of mathematics per se and he used it only as an official technique in the tradition way. Korean mathematics in King Sejong's reign was based upon both the natural philosophy in China and the unique geo-political reality of Korean peninsula. The reason why the mathematic culture failed to develop continually against those social background was that the mathematicians were not allowed to play the vital role in that culture, they being only the instrument for the personality or politics of the King. While the learned scholar class sometimes played the important role for the development of the mathematic culture, they often as not became an adamant barrier to it. As the society in Chosun needed the function of mathematics acutely, the mathematicians formed the settled class called Jung-in (Middle-Man). Jung-in was a unique class in Chosun and we can't find its equivalent in China of Japan. These Jung-in mathematician officials lacked tendency to publish their study, since their society was strictly exclusive and their knowledge was very limited. Though they were relatively low class, these mathematicians played very important role in Chosun society. In "Sil-Hak (the Practical Learning) period" which began in the late 16th century, especially in the reigns of King Youngjo and Jungjo, which was called the Renaissance of Chosun, the ambitious policy for the development of science and technology called for the rapid increase of the number of such technocrats as mathematicians inevitably became quite ambitious and proud. They tried to explore deeply into mathematics per se beyond the narrow limit of knowledge required for their office. Thus, in this period the mathematics developed rapidly, undergoing very important changes. The characteristic features of the mathematics in this period were: Jung-in mathematicians' active study an publication, the mathematic studies by the renowned scholars of Sil-Hak, joint works by these two classes, their approach to the Western mathematics and their effort to develop Korean mathematics. Toward the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century, the Western mathematics experienced great difficulty to take its roots in the Peninsula which had been under the strong influence of Confucian ideology and traditional Korean mathematic system. However, with King Kojong's ordinance in 1895, the traditonal Korean mathematics influenced by Chinese disappeared from the history of Korean mathematics, as the school system was changed into the Western style and the Western matehmatics was adopted as the only mathematics to be taught at the schools of various levels. Thus the "Enlightenment Period" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.od" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.pean.

• Journal of Haehwa Medicine
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.595-646
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• 2000

I. Introduction Bi(痺) means blocking. BiJeung is one kind of symptoms making muscles, bones and jonts feel pain, numbness or edema. For example it can be gout or SLE etc. says that Bi is combination of PungHanSeup. And many doctors said that BiJeung is caused by food, fatigue, sex, stress and change of weather. Therefore we must treat BiJeung by character of patients and characteristic of the disease. Many famous doctors studied medical science by their fathers or teachers. So the history of medical science is long. So I studied ${\ll}Bijeungjujip{\gg}$. II. Final Decision 1. JoGeumTak(趙金鐸) devided BiJeung into Pung, Han, Seup and EumHeo, HeulHeo, YangHeo, GanSinHeo by charcter or reaction of pain. And he use DaeJinGyoTang, GyegiGakYakJiMoTang, SamyoSan, etc. 2. JangPaeGyeu(張沛圭) focused on division of HanYeol(寒熱; coldness and heat) in spite of complexity of BiJeung. He also used insects for treatment. They are very useful for treatment of BiJeung because they can remove EoHyeol(瘀血). 3. SeolMaeng(薛盟) said that the actual cause of BiJeung is Seup. So he thought that BiJeung can be divided into PungSeup, SeupYeol, HanSeup. And he established 6 rules to treat BiJeung and he studied herbs. 4. JangGi(張琪) introduced 10 prescriptions and 10 rules to cure BiJeung. The 1st prescription is for OyeSa, 2nd for internal Yeol, 3rd for old BiJeung, 4th for Soothing muscles, 5th for HanSeup, 6th for regular BiJeung, 7th for functional disorder, 8th for YeolBi, 9th for joint pain and 10th for pain of lower limb. 5. GangSeYoung(江世英) used PungYeongTang(風靈湯) for the treatment of PungBi, OGyeHeukHoTang(烏桂黑虎湯) for HanBi, BangGiMokGwaTang(防己木瓜湯) for SeupBi, YeolBiTang(熱痺湯) for YeolBi, WoDaeRyeokTang(牛大力湯) for GiHei, HyeolPungGeunTang(血楓根湯) for HyeolHeo, ToJiRyongTang(土地龍湯) for the acute stage of SeupBi, OJoRyongTang(五爪龍湯) for the chronic stage of SeupBi, and so on. 6. ShiGeumMook(施今墨) devided BiJeung into four types. They are PungSeupYeol, PungHanSeup, GiHyeolSil(氣血實) and GiHyeolHeo(氣血虛). And he introduced the eight rules of the treatment(SanPun(散風), ChukHan(逐寒), GeoSeuP(, CheongYeol(淸熱), TongRak(通絡), HwalHyeol(活血), HaengGi(行氣), BoHeo(補虛)). 7. WangYiYou(王李儒) explained the acute athritis and said that it can be applicable to HaneBi(行痺). And he used GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang(桂枝芍蘂知母湯) for HanBi and YeolBiJinTongTang(熱痺鎭痛湯) for YeolBi. 8. JangJinYeo(章眞如) said that YeolBi is more common than HanBi. The sympthoms of YeolBi are severe pain, fever, dried tongue, insomnia, etc. And he devided YeolBi into SilYeol and HeoYeol. In case of SilYeol, he used GyeoJiTangHapBaekHoTang(桂枝湯合白虎湯) and in case of HeoYeol he used JaEumYangAekTang(滋陰養液湯). 9. SaHaeJu(謝海洲) introduced three important rules of treatment and four appropriate rules of treatment of BiJeung. 10. YouDoJu(劉渡舟) said that YeolBi is more common than HanBi. He used GaGamMokBanGiTang(加減木防已湯) for YeolBi, GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang or GyeJiBuJaTang(桂枝附子湯) for HanBi and WooHwangHwan(牛黃丸) for the joint pain. 11. GangYiSon(江爾遜) focused on the internal cause. The most important internal cause is JeongGiHeo(正氣虛). So he tried to treat BiJeung by means of balance of Gi and Hyeol. So he ususlly used ODuTang(烏頭湯) and SamHwangTang(三黃湯) for YeolBi, OJeokSan(五積散) for HanBi, SamBiTang(三痺湯) for the chronic BiJeung. 12. HoGeonHwa(胡建華) said that to distinguish YeolBi from Hanbi is very difficult. So he used GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang in case of mixture of HanBi and YeoBi. 13. PiBokGo(畢福高) said that the most common BiJeung is HanBi. He usually used acupuncture with medicine. He followed the theory of EumYongHwa(嚴用和)-he focused on SeonBoHuSa(先補後瀉). 14. ChoiMunBin(崔文彬) used GeoPungHwalHyeolTang(祛風活血湯) for HanBi, SanHanTongRakTang(散寒通絡湯) for TongBi(痛痺), LiSeupHwaRakTang(利濕和絡湯) for ChakBi(着痺), CheongYeolTongGyeolChukBiTang(淸熱通經逐痺湯) for YeolBi(熱痺) and GeoPungHwalHyeolTang(祛風活血湯) for PiBi(皮痺). 15. YouleokSeon(劉赤選) introduced the common principle for the treatment of BiJeung. He used HaePuneDeungTang(海風藤湯) for HaengBi(行痺), SinChakTang(腎着湯), DokHwalGiSaengTang(獨活寄生湯) for TongBi(痛痺), TongPungBang(痛風方) for ChakBi(着痺) and SangGiYiMiTangGaYeongYangGakTang(桑枝苡米湯加羚羊角骨) for YeolBi(熱痺). 16. LimHakHwa(林鶴和) said about TanTan(movement disorders or numbness) and devided TanTan into the acute stage and the chronic stage. He used acupuncture at the meridian spot like YeolGyeol(列缺), HapGok(合谷), etc. And he also used MaHwangBuJaSeSinTang(麻黃附子細辛湯) in case of the acute stage. In the chronic stage he used BangPungTang(防風湯). 17. JinBaekGeun(陳伯勤) liked to use three rules(HwaHyeol(活血), ChiDam(治痰), BoSin(補腎)) to treat BiJeung. He used JinTongSan(鎭痛散) for the purpose of HwalHyeol(活血), SoHwalRakDan(小活絡丹) for ChiDam(治痰) and DokHwalGiSaengTang(獨活寄生湯) for BoSin(補腎). 18. YimGyeHak(任繼學) focused on YangHyeolJoGi(養血調氣) if the stage of BiJeung is chronic. And in the chronic stage he insisted on not using GalHwal(羌活), DokHwal(獨活) and BangPung(防風).

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.215-249
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• 2011

This essay reflects on the modernity of Korea by examining the transformation of the traditional knowledge system from a historico-semantic perspective with its focus on the opposition and collision of the old and the new conception occurred in the early period(1890~1910) of the acceptance of the Western modern civilization. With scientific success, trick of reason, Christianity and evolutionary view of history, the Western modernity regarded itself as a peak of civilization and forced the non-Western societies into the world system in which they came to be considered as 'barbarism(野蠻)' or 'half-enlightened(半開).' The East Asian civilization, which had its own history for several centuries, became degraded as kind of delusion and old-fashioned customs from which it ought to free itself. The Western civilization presented itself as exemplary future which East Asian people should achieve, while East Asian past traditions came to be conceived as just unnecessary vestiges which it was better to wipe out. It can be said that East Asian modernization was established through the propagation and acceptance of the modern products of the Western civilization rather than through the preservation of its past experience and pursuit of the new at the same time. Accordingly, it is difficult to apply directly to East Asian societies Koselleck's hypothesis; while mapping out his Basic Concept of History, he assumed that, in the so-called 'age of saddle,' semantic struggle over concepts becomes active between the past experience and the horizon of expectation on the future, and concepts undergoes 'temporalization', 'democratization', 'ideologization', 'politicization.'The struggle over the old and new conceptions in Korea was most noticeable in the opposition of the Neo-Confucian scholars of Hwangseongsinmun and the theorists of civilization of Doknipsinmun. The opposition and struggle demanded the change of understanding in every field, but there was difference of opinion over the conception of the past traditional knowledge system. For the theorists of civilization, 'the old(舊)' was not just 'past' and 'old-fashioned' things, but rather an obstacle to the building of new civilization. On the other hand, it contained the possibility of regeneration(新) for the Neo-Confucian scholars; that is, they suggested finding a guide into tomorrow by taking lessons from the past. The traditional knowledge system lost their holy status of learning(聖學) in the process of its change into a 'new learning(新學),' and religion and religious tradition also weakened. The traditional knowledge system could change itself into modern learning by accepting scientific methodology which pursues objectivity and rationality. This transformation of the traditional knowledge system and 'the formation of the new learning from the old learning' was accompanied by the intersection between the old and new conceptions. It is necessary to pay attention to the role played by the concept of Sil(hak)(實學) or Practical Learning in the intersection of the old and new conceptions. Various modern media published before and after the 20th century show clearly the multi-layered development of the old and new conceptions, and it is noticeable that 'Sil(hak)' as conceptual frame of reference contributed to the transformation of the traditional knowledge system into the new learning. Although Silhak often designated, or was even considered equivalent to, the Western learning, Neo-Confucian scholars reinterpreted the concept of 'Silhak' which the theorists of civilization had monopolized until then, and opened the way to change the traditional knowledge system into the new learning. They re-appropriated the concept of Silhak, and enabled it to be invested with values, which were losing their own status due to the overwhelming scientific technology. With Japanese occupation of Korea by force, the attempt to transform the traditional knowledge system independently was obliged to reach its own limit, but its theory of 'making new learning from old one' can be considered to get over both the contradiction of Dondoseogi(東道西器: principle of preserving Eastern philosophy while accepting Western technology) and the de-subjectivity of the theory of civilization. While developing its own logic, the theory of Dongdoseogi was compelled to bring in the contradiction of considering the indivisible(道and 器) as divisible, though it tried to cope with the reality where the principle of morality and that of competition were opposed each other and the ideologies of 'evolution' and 'progress' prevailed. On the other hand, the theory of civilization was not free from the criticism that it brought about a crack in subjectivity due to its internalization of the West, cutting itself off from the traditional knowledge system.

• Korean Journal of Head & Neck Oncology
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.123-129
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• 2006

Objective ： This retrospective study was designed to evaluate the anti-tumor efficacy and toxicities of the radiation therapy(RT) combined with cisplatin-based chemotherapy in locally advanced nasopharyngeal cancer(NPC). Materials and Methods ： Fifty three patients with locally advanced NPCs(AJCC stage II, III, IV) received curative RT and cisplatin-based chemotherapy. Duration of follow-up ranged from 5.5 to 201 months(median 50.8 months). Nineteen patients(35.8%) were treated with induction chemotherapy including cisplatin $100mg/m^2$ for 1 day and 5-fluorouracil $1g/m^2$ for 5 days followed by RT(Induction CTx-RT). Another 34 patients (64.2%) were treated with concurrent chemoradiation(CCRT) using cisplatin $100mg/m^2$(D1, 22, 43). Results ： Thirty-six(67.9%) and 11(20.8%) patients achieved clinical complete response and partial response, respectively. The pattern of failure was as follows：14 locoregional recurrence(26.4%) and 7 distant metastasis(13.2%). Among them, two patients(3.8%) had both locoregional and distant failure. Median overall survival(OS) and progression-free survival(PFS) were 85.5 months and 87.5 months, respectively. Five-year OS rate was 57.1%. The stage(AJCC), tumor response to chemoradiation and T stage were significant prognostic factors for OS(p=0.0113, p=0.0362 and p=0.0469). The stage(AJCC), tumor response to chemoradiation were also significant prognostic factors for PFS(p=0.0329, p=0.0424). Compared to each treatment group(Induction CTx-RT vs. CCRT), there were no significant differences in OS and PFS(p=0.7000, p=0.8261). Grade 3-4 mucositis, nausea/vomiting and hematological toxicities were noticed in 35.8%, 11.3% and 13.2%, respectively. Delayed RT over 2 weeks was inevitable in 26.5%. Seventeen patients(50%) successfully completed planned 3 courses of cisplatin in CCRT group. Conclusions ： RT combined with cisplatin-based chemotherapy in locally advanced NPC showed high response rate, good locoregional control, and survival rate. As expected, frequency of acute toxicities increased, and the patient's compliance to treatment was need to be improved. Although our data could not show additional survival benefit of CCRT compare to that of induction chemotherapy followed by RT, patients' accrual and further follow-up are required due to limitation of retrospective study.

• The Korean Journal of Physiology and Pharmacology
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• v.17 no.5
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• pp.469-477
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• 2013

This study investigated effect of extract containing quercetin-3-O-${\beta}$-D-glucuronopyranoside from Rumex Aquaticus Herba (ECQ) against chronic gastritis in rats. To produce chronic gastritis, the animals received a daily intra-gastric administration of 0.1 ml of 0.15% iodoacetamide (IA) solution for 7 days. Daily exposure of the gastric mucosa to IA induced both gastric lesions and significant reductions of body weight and food and water intake. These reductions recovered with treatment with ECQ for 7 days. ECQ significantly inhibited the elevation of the malondialdehyde levels and myeloperoxidase activity, which were used as indices of lipid peroxidation and neutrophil infiltration. ECQ recovered the level of glutathione, activity of superoxide dismutase (SOD), and expression of SOD-2. The increased levels of total NO concentration and iNOS expression in the IA-induced chronic gastritis were significantly reduced by treatment with ECQ. These results suggest that the ECQ has a therapeutic effect on chronic gastritis in rats by inhibitory actions on neutrophil infiltration, lipid peroxidation and various steps of reactive oxygen species (ROS) generation.

• Journal of the Korean Wood Science and Technology
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• v.38 no.4
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• pp.349-358
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• 2010

This study was carried out to investigate the optimum condition for sap exudation of Acer mono Max. tree in a site of Mt. Jiri, Hamyang-gun, Korea. Amount of sap exudation, air temperature, relative air humidity, tree diameter at breast height (DBH) and sugar content in sap were monitored during the early springtime, and correlation analysis of several factors was carried out to explain tree-to-tree and date-to-date variations in sap exudation. The correlation, linearlyassociated between DBH and sap amount, was strengthened as daily amount of sap increased, but there was no significant tree-to-tree variation in time and period for sap exudation. When amount of sap exudation was above 10 liter/day, the mean air-temperature was averaged at $1.2{\pm}1.6^{\circ}C$, the minimum at $-4.3{\pm}1.5^{\circ}C$ and the maximum at $11.8{\pm}1.9^{\circ}C$. The maximum air temperature and mean air temperature were significant (p < 0.05) factors for amount of sap in correlation analysis to explain date-to-date variation in sap exudation. Sucrose content in sap was in the range of 1.5 and 1.7% during exudation days, but sharply reduced to 0.6% level at the end of exudation period.