• Journal of the Korean Institute of Educational Facilities
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.35-47
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• 2020

The need for communication is emphasized in decision making, design methods and processes for the educational environment that contain new curricula and learning methods. In this study, we tried to find the direction and agenda of learner-centered environment restructuring through the 'user-integrated platform' in which various subjects related to school space environment understand each other's position and overcome the barriers and prejudices of each sector. The project was planned in a 'bottom-up process' method that uncovered the singularities of the previous stage and led the main contents of the next stage. The various subjects who participated in the project shared their own experiences and different positions regarding the school space. At the workshop, the topics of the participating teams were divided into two categories. The teams in the category of the 'school culture and space' insisted innovation of 'the school culture' as a premise for the restructuring of the 'school space', and proposed schools with different interpretations of 'authority and rules of school', 'the meaning of learning and play' and 'the main character of school. The teams in the category of the 'school borders and spaces' focused on 'communication' and proposed schools containing 'emotional care of students', 'borders between schools and villages', 'village community schools', and 'interspace and niche time'. After the workshop, we were able to derive the direction and architectural strategy of the school space restructuring by analyzing the works of the participants. Through this study, we confirmed the possibility of translating user's ideas into the professional domain through careful planning, preparation, facilitation, and analysis in Participatory Design.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Rural Architecture
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.17-24
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• 2015

Vacant houses are increasing across the country, but the appropriate measures have not been set up yet. Accordingly, vacant houses are left unattended for a long time, and become deserted to degrade the residential environment. They are often used as the space for the deviation of youth or even for crimes, threatening the safety of rural society. Vacant houses are not only personal properties but also public assets that form the residential environment of a town. Therefore, the problem should be better taken care of with appropriate policies. In this study, the present situation of vacant houses in Korea, the causes of the vacant house and the limits and lessons of the improvement projects were reviewed, along with the vacant house improvement systems in the UK and Japan. The most significant difference between the cases in Korea and other countries are the method of vacant house improvement. In terms of policies and support, Korea focuses on demolition, whereas other countries focus on reuse. In addition, the vacant house improvement projects in Korea are performed mostly by government agencies, whereas local governments and private organizations in other countries cooperate to improve vacant houses and go beyond mere residential environment improvement towards the local revitalization. Based on the study results, the following are proposed to efficiently improve and use the rural vacant houses. First, the Rearrangement of Agricultural and Fishing Villages Act, which allows the vacant houses to be left unattended and not improved, should be revised. Second, the intermediate support organizations that connect the demand and supply should be fostered and supported so that the use of vacant houses can be vitalized and privately led. Third, the best practices of using the vacant houses should be found and promoted, and the vacant house remodeling technique should be developed and propagated. Fourth, a special law should be enacted to comprehensively plan, support and execute the vacant house improvement, as in Japan. Finally, the value of the vacant houses as public properties should be shared in public so that all citizens can participate in addressing the vacant house issue to derive the detailed plans to solve the problem.

• Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.36-53
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• 1987

It is utmostly important to establish the efficient fitable way of peoples' active participation in primary health care especially in the areas where the public or governmental service input for the basic health care is insufficient like as in rural areas of Korea. In light of above reason, this study focused mainly on the evaluation of roles and activities of village health workers (VHWs) who were selected from grass- root level of village people in order to derive further motivation for active participation. This is believed to be a sort of feedback mechanisms. Actually, the authors collected the activity reports of VHWs who had been devoting themselves in the primary health care services of Jeomdong Area, of Yeoju Gun one of Korea University Community Health Action Programmes and survey record on the VHWs activity from correspondent people. 1 hose data were analyzed through computer programmed package. The activities performed by VHWs were limited to the performance in 1985 for conveniance. The summarized results were as follows; 1) General characteristics of VHWs. Among a total of 28 VHWs in the area, about 39.3g of them have been replaced up to the date since the implementation in 1983, because of moving out, occupational employment and of others. The age of majority (75.0%) lied between the range of 30-50, and educational background of 67.9% belonged to category of primary school graduation, about 50% of them experienced to be or were also entiled "chief of women club" of corresponding villages. 2) Work-load of VHWs. Each VHW was assigned for tasks of health care for average 55 households of 248 persons. They shared approximately 6 days a month for the activity in average and it covered 17 cases of basic health care in a month. A half of the VHWs performed home visits irregularly without solidified schedule. 3) Work performance analysis. Informations collected through VHWs were compared with data from official vital registration at local administration center "Myon Office" in 1985. VHWs collected 100.8 of new born, 116.2 of death, 58.3 of move in and 74.8 of move out in comparison with 100.0 of official registration each. Pregnant women of 79.8% of mothers among the total pregnancy of 94 which were confirmed as normally delivered or aborted cases by all means afterwards had been detected by VHWs as being pregnant and all of them received some of antenatal cares by VHWs. All(100%) of delivered women were detected by VHWs through home visits and they were cared postnatally. Whereas, according to the records of birth registration, the places of delivery were clinic in 33.7%, and mother's home in 66.3%, VHWs reported them to be clinic in 48.9%, midwifery in 20.2%. It was cleared that most of misinformation was caused by uncautious filling of birth registration at notification. Among the total of 717 eligible women under age 44 years, family planning status of 92.6% was reported by VHWs confirming practice of control to be 70.8% of reported fertile women. 4) Attitude of VHW on the roles and functions. Although 92.0% of VHWs expressed VHWs to be worthwhile, only 52.0% of them had dignity and satisfaction in their activity and 44.0% of them had passive attitude of working saying they followed direction regardlessly. Concerning difficulties in performance as a VHW, 60.7% of them pointed out lacking of medical and health related knowledge by themselves. Still, 64.0% of them thought visiting unfamilier house to be awful and 40.0% complained forms of activity to be difficult and hard. It was also revealed that 56.6% confessed lack of interest on community health service itself. Most of VHWs needed more educational training especially on clinical fields such as cares of gynecological diseases, hypertension, diabetes, and other chronic diseaes of the aged. Regular on-the-job basic trainings were said to be needed twice a year.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.264-277
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• 1994

In Korea the concept of social support was first used as a research concept in nursing and has not had much application in the clinical field. Another problem is that research on social support has used a direct translation of the words “social support” into Korean as “sawhejuk jiji”. Three questions were posed to direct the re-search. 1) Is there a concept of social support in Korean society? 2) if so, what words or expressions are used to de-scribe it? 3) further, if so, how is social support structured and how does it function? In order to answer the research questions a three-step research methodology was used : The first step consisted of a literature review on re-search related to social support and on information on the background of, and the way of thinking re-lated to interpersonal relations among Korean people. The second step, which was done to identify whether there is a concept of social support in korean society, involved interviewing a sample of the population. The third step involved a panel discussion that included the members of the research team and three consultants, a sociologist, a philosopher and a scholor in korean literature. A review of the literature on interpersonal relationships in traditional korean society identified a four cirole structure that explains interpersonal relationships. The first circle with “me” at the center is the family but here “me” disappears into the “we” that is essential for a cooperative agricultural society. In the second circle are those close to “me” but outside the family. The third circle includes those with whom “I ” have infrequent but regular contact and with whom correct conduct is important. The last circle is all the people with whom “I” have nothing in common. They are excluded in interpersonal relationships. The literature on interpersonal relationships showed that within the traditional Korean society people lived in villages where most people were very familiar with each other. “Yun”, the social network established the connection and “Jung”, the feeling of affection increased with time as the connection was strengthened. In the traditional village psychological support was provided through “Mallaniki”, “Pumashi” and “Kae” with the latter two also providing material support. In modern Korea there are more informal and formal social networks, like social services and community activities on the formal level and cultural and leisure groups along with “kae’s on the informal level. But even with this modern variety of groups, most social support comes from informal networks that resemble the traditiorlal “Pumashi”, “Kai” md “Mallaniki”. The six member research team interviewed 65 people in order to identify whether there is a concept of social support and then analysed their responses. There were 20 different words describing the reception of the social support and these could be grouped into seven major categories : virtuous, fortunate, helped, supported, blessed, attached(receiving affection) and receiving (grace) benevolence. there were 27 words describing the act of social support which could be categorized into seven major categories : love, looking after, affection(attachment), kindness(goodness), faith, psychological help and material help. for the meaning of social support translated as “sawhe juk jiji” there were a total of 14 different answers which could be categorized into 3 major categories : help, agreement, and faith. In third step, the results of the literature review and the answers to the questions were discussed in a pannel. The results of the discussion led to the following definition of social support in Korea which is shaped like a the four sided pyramid on a base. Social support is the apex of the pyramid and four sides are made up of : “do-oom” (both emotional and material help), “jung” (connectedness, or relationship bound by affection, regard or shared common experience ), “midum” (faith or belief in), “eunhae” (kindness or benevolence). The research team identified “Yun”( the basic network of relationships) as the base of the pyramid and as such the foundation for the components of social support in Korean culture. On “Yun” rest the other four components of social support : “Jung”, “Midum”, “Do-oom”, and “Eunhae”, For social support to take place there must be “Yun”. This is an important factor in social support. In private social network “Jung” is an essential factor in social support. But not in the public social network. “Yun” is a condition for “Jung” and “Jung” is the manifestation of support.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.60-79
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• 2012

Environment of ancient Chinese Buddhist temple can be classified to three types such as regional society(鄕村), famous mountain(名山), and urban areas(都市). This made differences in environment where a temple existed and in turn, affected development of Buddhism. And this made another type in relationship between Buddhist temple and a society. This study explains influences which regional society gave on not only Buddhist temple and a monk but also existence and development of Buddhism. When temples are placed in different environmental position, that is, urban areas and regional society, among a social structure, they eventually should adapt to a different society externally and internally. As told in above, ancient Chinese Buddhist temple was located in regional society, famous mountain, and urban areas. Since Eastern Jin and Sixteen Kingdoms, as number of temple much increased, and temples and monks were concentrated on famous mountain, temples in famous mountains and urban areas had developed showing similar aspects each other. But because temples in regional society were influenced a little differently, this study focused on the point. There are four kinds of influences between temples and monks in regional areas. Monks in regional areas had a comparatively close relationship with a society because they came from same area or surrounding areas. Therefore,powers of regional areas restrict influences made by monk group in temple. Second, temples in regional areas shared their joys and sorrows depending on regional economy. Temples in regional areas became a public place for the society and often a market place. In fact, construction and existence of a temple originally became a driving force in regional economy. This is because construction of temple needs artisans and materials and some temples had visitors and included market economy like consumption of incense and candles, though the economic size was large or small. And when regional areas experienced natural disaster or man-made disaster or had poor harvest or economy was in depression, monks left temples and then, temples themselves could not exist. Third, the relationship between temples in regional areas and Buddhists was distinguished from the temples in urban areas and famous mountains. This is because temples in China were places where monks practiced and at the same time, places where general Buddhists worshipped. So there were always a number of Buddhists around the temples. Forth, Buddhism in resional areas was connected to regional Folk beliefs. As a result, Buddhism was spread across the nation, worship with local color often was changed to Buddhist belief or was tinged with Buddhism. While temples in regional areas maintained a close relationship with regional society.they were influenced by the region or gave influences. As a representative example, temples in regional areas showed model behaviors instead of roles of facilities related to various cultures with comparatively advanced level - for example, school, hospital etc. The temples highly affected funerary rites in regional areas. Chinese tombs were mainlymade in regional areas. After death,people living in urban areas were buried in hometown or at least, they were buried in suburbs not urban areas. Temples in regional areas generally participated in funerary rites. Above shows that though most of famous Buddhist temples were located in urban areas not in famous mountains,majority of temples were located in vast regional areas. Through mutual interaction between temples and regional society, the temples in the regional areas were related to Chinese people of over 90% and regional areas became the most important foundation for Buddhism in China. Mutual influences between temples in regional areas and the general public in regions were omnidirectional and spreaded to every aspects of social life in small or large degree. Thus Tombs in temple were widely spreaded across regional areas over time and space. This is enough to explain a close relationship between Buddhist temples and rural society in ancient China.