• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.20-49
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• 2009

This paper explores the Korean royal tombs steles such as monumental steles and tombstone marks (神道碑, 表石) that are broadly fallen into the following three periods ; the 15~16th centuries, 17th~18th centuries, and 19th century. As a result, the royal tombs steles were built, unlike the private custom, on the heirs to the King's intentions. During the 15~17th centuries the construction and reconstruction of the monumental steles took place. In the late Joseon period, monumental steles had been replaced with a number of tombstone marks were built to appeal to the king's calligraphy carved on stone for the first time. During the Great Empire Han(大韓帝國) when the Joseon state was upgraded the empire, Emperors Gojong and Sunjong devoted to honor ancestors by rebuilding royal tombstone mark. Based on these periodical trends, it would not be exaggerated that the history of establishing the royal tombs steles formed in late Joseon. The type of royal tombs monuments originated from those of the Three Kingdoms era, a shapeless form, the new stele type of the Tang Dynasty (唐碑) has influenced on the building of monuments of the Unified Silla and Buddhist honorable monuments (塔碑) of the Goryeo Dynasty. From the 15th century, successive kings have wished to express the predecessors's achievements, nevertheless, the officials opposed it because the affairs of the King legacy (國史) were all recorded, so there is no need to establish the tombs steles. Although its lack of quantity, each Heonneung and Jereung monumental steles rebuilt in 1695 and 1744 respectively, is valuable to show the royal sculpture of the late Joseon period. Since the 15th century, the construction of the royal tombs monumental steles has been interrupted, the tombstone marks (boulders) with simpler format began to be erected within the tomb precincts. The Yeoneung tombstone mark(寧陵表石), built in 1682, shows the first magnificent scale and delicate sculpture technique. Many tombstone marks were erected since the 1740s on a large scale, largely caused by King Yeongjo's announce to the honorific business for the predecessors. Thanks to King Yeongjo's such appealing effort, over 20 pieces of tombstone marks were established during his reign. The fact that his handwritten calligraphic works first carved on tombstones was a remarkable phenomenon had never been appeared before. Since the 18th century, a double-slab high above the roof(加?石) and rectangular basement of the stele have been accepted as a typical format of the tombstone marks. In front of the stele, generally seal script calligraphic works after a Tang dynasty calligrapher Li Yangbing(李陽氷)'s brushwork were engraved. In 1897 when King Gojong declared the Empire, these tombstone marks were once again produced in large amounts. Because he tried to find the legitimacy of the Empire in the history of the Joseon dynasty and its four founding fathers in creating the monuments both of the front and back sides by carving his in-person-calligraphy as a ruler representing his symbolic authority. The tombstone marks made during this period, show an abstract sculpture features with the awkward techniques, and long and slim strokes. As mentioned above, the construction of monumental steles and tombstone marks is a historical and remarkable phenonenon to reveal the royal funeral custom, sculpture techniques, and successive kings' efforts to honor the royal predecessors.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.160-175
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• 2013

There is the need to make a sharp distinction as regards JANGSEUNGs (Korean traditional totem poles) that are different in origin, history and function. This study is to identify the functions of the figures, as well as to trace stone JANGSEUNGs to their origins. In this regard, researched were conducted into the origins of JANGSEUNGs and their changes in history. There was a tradition in the GORYEO Dynasty (an ancient dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) that it erected JANGSAENGs (the archaic name of JANGSEUNGs) or allied stone figures within temples; especially, 'TONGDOSA GUKJANGSAENG SEOKPYO (a stone JANGSAENG that was erected by the royal command and is at the entrance of TONGDO Temple located in YANGSAN, South GYEONGSANG Province, South Korea)' functions as a stone monument rather than as a stone sign. In the engraved inscription, it is written that it should be erected in the form of PANA as before. 'PANA' refers to 'ZHONGKUI', a god in Chinese Taoism believed to exorcise devils that spread diseases. The inscription is to define the territory of TONGDO Temple. The article on HAN JUN GYEOM in a book 'WORAKGI (a travelogue on WORAK Mountain in North CHUNGCHEONG Province, South Korea)' written by HEO MOK makes it possible to guess the scale of GUKJANGSAENGs erected in DOGAP Temple. The stones, on which 'GUKJANGSAENG' or 'HWANGJANGSAENG' were engraved, are not JANGSAENGs but are demarcation posts. In the JOSEON Dynasty (the last dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) JANGSAENGs functioned as signposts. Unlike JANGSAENGs in temples, they were made of wood. At first, the word 'JANGSAENG' was written '長生' in Chinese characters, but in the JOSEON Dynasty another character '木 (wood)' was added to them, and thus the orthography was likely to change into 'JANGSEUNG.' In the JOSEON Dynasty, in addition, optative or geomantic figures were not called 'JANGSEUNG.' Historically, for instance, there has been no case where 'DOL HARBANGs (stone figures found only in JEJU ISLAND, South Korea)' are called 'JANGSEUNG.' In a book 'TAMRA GINYEON (a historical record on JEJU Island, South Korea)' it is written that KIM MONG GYU, JEJU governor, erected ONGJUNG Stones outside the fortress gate. ONGJUNG Stones usually refer to stone statues erected in front of ancient kings or dignitaries' mausoleums. Moreover, they were geomantic figures erected to suppress miasma. A magazine 'GWANGJUEUPJI (a journal on old GWANGJU, South Korea, 1899)' shows that two two ONGJUNG Stones were so erected that they might look at each other to suppress miasma from a pathway through which lucks lose. On the two stone figures located in BUAN-EUP, North JEOLLA Province, South Korea, inscriptions 'SANGWON JUJANGGUN' and 'HAWON DANGJANGGUN' were engraved. The words are to identify the figures' sexes. They are a kind of optative geomantic figures, and therefore there is no reason to call them 'JANGSAENG' or 'JANGSEUNG' or 'DANGSAN.' The words 'SANGWON' and 'HAWON' are closely associated with Taoism. Since then, the words have been widely used as inscriptions on stone figures in temples, and subsequently are used for JANGSEUNGs. A hatted ONGJUNG Stone, found in BUKANSAN Fortress, disappeared and other ones may be being buried somewhere. Meanwhile, ONGJUNG Stones in JEJU Island and stone figures in BUAN-EUP have hardly been displaced and thus have properly functioned. Stone figures, made in those days, seem to be most similar in function to JANGSAENGs made during the GORYEO Dynasty. Specifically, like earlier JANGSAENGs, stone figures made during the early to mid-18th century were likely to function not only as optative figures but as boundary stones. Most of stone figures in temples were made whenever the land use survey was conducted throughout the nation, but given that at the same period of time, the commonalty filed many lawsuits against grave sites, temples might erect many stone figures to mark their territories. Currently, wooden or stone figures are commonly called 'JANGSEUNG', but they were erected in different epochs and for different reasons. Their origins are to be sought in stone figures that functioned not only as optative figures in temples but as boundary stones during the GORYEO Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.60-79
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• 2012

Environment of ancient Chinese Buddhist temple can be classified to three types such as regional society(鄕村), famous mountain(名山), and urban areas(都市). This made differences in environment where a temple existed and in turn, affected development of Buddhism. And this made another type in relationship between Buddhist temple and a society. This study explains influences which regional society gave on not only Buddhist temple and a monk but also existence and development of Buddhism. When temples are placed in different environmental position, that is, urban areas and regional society, among a social structure, they eventually should adapt to a different society externally and internally. As told in above, ancient Chinese Buddhist temple was located in regional society, famous mountain, and urban areas. Since Eastern Jin and Sixteen Kingdoms, as number of temple much increased, and temples and monks were concentrated on famous mountain, temples in famous mountains and urban areas had developed showing similar aspects each other. But because temples in regional society were influenced a little differently, this study focused on the point. There are four kinds of influences between temples and monks in regional areas. Monks in regional areas had a comparatively close relationship with a society because they came from same area or surrounding areas. Therefore,powers of regional areas restrict influences made by monk group in temple. Second, temples in regional areas shared their joys and sorrows depending on regional economy. Temples in regional areas became a public place for the society and often a market place. In fact, construction and existence of a temple originally became a driving force in regional economy. This is because construction of temple needs artisans and materials and some temples had visitors and included market economy like consumption of incense and candles, though the economic size was large or small. And when regional areas experienced natural disaster or man-made disaster or had poor harvest or economy was in depression, monks left temples and then, temples themselves could not exist. Third, the relationship between temples in regional areas and Buddhists was distinguished from the temples in urban areas and famous mountains. This is because temples in China were places where monks practiced and at the same time, places where general Buddhists worshipped. So there were always a number of Buddhists around the temples. Forth, Buddhism in resional areas was connected to regional Folk beliefs. As a result, Buddhism was spread across the nation, worship with local color often was changed to Buddhist belief or was tinged with Buddhism. While temples in regional areas maintained a close relationship with regional society.they were influenced by the region or gave influences. As a representative example, temples in regional areas showed model behaviors instead of roles of facilities related to various cultures with comparatively advanced level - for example, school, hospital etc. The temples highly affected funerary rites in regional areas. Chinese tombs were mainlymade in regional areas. After death,people living in urban areas were buried in hometown or at least, they were buried in suburbs not urban areas. Temples in regional areas generally participated in funerary rites. Above shows that though most of famous Buddhist temples were located in urban areas not in famous mountains,majority of temples were located in vast regional areas. Through mutual interaction between temples and regional society, the temples in the regional areas were related to Chinese people of over 90% and regional areas became the most important foundation for Buddhism in China. Mutual influences between temples in regional areas and the general public in regions were omnidirectional and spreaded to every aspects of social life in small or large degree. Thus Tombs in temple were widely spreaded across regional areas over time and space. This is enough to explain a close relationship between Buddhist temples and rural society in ancient China.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.32-51
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• 2016

This study examines, based on the database of the Institute for the Translation of Korean Classics(ITKC), the garden plants and their symbolism, and the landscape culture recorded in 'Jipkyungjaeyoungsi(the Series of Poems on Gardens Poetry)' in relevance to traditional houses. First, Jipkyungjaeyoungsi had been continuously written since mid-Goryeo dynasty, when it was first brought in, until the late Joseon dynasty. It was mainly enjoyed by the upper class who chose the path of civil servants. 33 pieces of Jaeyoungsi(題詠詩) in 25 books out of a total of 165 books are related to residential gardens. The first person who wrote a poem in relation to this is believed to be Lee GyuBo(1168~1241) in the late Goryeo dynasty. He is believed to be the first person to contribute to the expansion of natural materials and the variation of entertainment in landscape culture with such books as 'Toesikjaepalyoung(退食齋八詠)', 'Gabeunjeungyukyoung(家盆中六詠)'and 'Gapoyukyoung(家圃六詠)'. Second, most of the poems used the names of the guesthouses. Out of the 33 sections, 19(57.5%) used 8 yeong(詠), then it was in the sequence of 4 yeong(詠), 6 yeong, 10 yeong, 14 yeong, 15 yeong, 16 yeong, 36 yeong(詠) and so on. In the poem writing, it appears to break the patterns of Sosangpalkyung(瀟湘八景) type of writings and is differentiated by (1) focusing on the independent title of the scenery, (2) combining the names of the place and landscape, (3) focusing on the name of the landscape. Third, the subtitles were derived from (1) mostly natural landscape focused on nature and garden plants(22 sections, 66.7%), (2) cultural landscape focused on landscape facilities such as guesthouses, ponds and pavilions(3 sections), (3) complex cultural scenery focused on the activities of people in nature(8 sections). Residents enjoy not only their aesthetic preferences and actual view, but the ideation of the scenery. Especially, they display attachment to and preference for vegetables and herbs, which had been neglected. Fourth, the percentage of deciduous tree population(17 species) rated higher(80.9%) compared to the evergreens(4 species). These aspects are similar results with the listed rate in 'Imwonkyungjaeji(林園經濟志)' by Seo YuGu [evergreen 18 species(21.2%) and deciduous trees 67 species(78.8%)] and precedent researches [Byun WooHyuk(1976), Jung DongOh(1977), Lee Sun(2006)]. Fifth, the frequency of the occurrence of garden plants were plum blossoms(14 times), bamboos(14 times), pine trees(11 times), lotus(11 times), chrysanthemum(10 times), willows(5 times), pomegranates(4 times), maple trees(14 times), royal foxglove trees, common crapemyrtle, chestnut trees, peony, plantains, reeds and a cockscombs(2 times). Thus, the frequency were higher with symbolic plants in relations to (1) Confucian norms(pine trees, oriental arbor vitae, plum blossoms, chrysanthemums, bamboos and lotus), (2) living philosophy of sustain-ability(chrysanthemum, willow), (3) the ideology of seclusion and seeking peace of mind(royal foxglove ree, bamboo). Sixth, it was possible to trace plants in the courtyard and outer garden, vegetable and herb garden. Many symbolic plants were introduced in the courtyard, and it became cultural landscape beyond aesthetic taste. In the vegetable and herb garden, vegetables, fruits and medicinal plants are apparently introduced for epigenetic use. The plants that were displayed to be observed and enjoyed were the sweet flag, pomegranate, daphne odora, chrysanthemum, bamboo, lotus and plum blossom. Seventh, it was possible to understand garden culture related to landscaping materials through poetic words such as pavilions, ponds, stream, flower pot, oddly shaped stones, backyard, orchard, herb garden, flower bed, chrysanthemum fence, boating, fishing, passing the glass around, feet bathing, flower blossom, forest of apricot trees, peach blossoms, stroking the pine tree, plum flower blossoming through the snow and frosted chrysanthemum.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.2
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• pp.4-19
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• 2014

In Joseon dynasty, Gongsin-Gyoseo(Royal Edicts rewarding meritorious vassals) was issued for the reward of the contribution to the specific event of the nation. The family decided as vassals succeeded this Gongsin-Gyoseo as the family treasure to later generations. When one happened to lose this caused by an unavoidable situation such as war in this process, there were a few cases of reissuing of Gongsin-gyoseo by the nation. The confirmative reissued Gongsin-gyoseo among Gongsin-gyoseo that descended down by now are three pieces which is Park dongnyang Hoseong Gongsin-Gyoseo, Gu goeng Jeongsa Gongsin-Gyoseo, and Park jung Jeongsa Gongsin-Gyoseo. This research considered the form and mounting about these three pieces. It was indicated that the reissued Gongsin-Gyoseo was produced following the same form with the original Gongsin-Gyoseo, that is pyeongchul(moving to next lines) and daedu (writing one or two letters ahead compared to the first letter) and so on. But, it was indicated that the change of the position of the vassals in the reissued time was reflected compared to position of the original Gongsin-Gyoseo. In case of Jeonsa Gongsin-Gyoseo, it was indicated that it was 'Wonjongdaewang-whi' since the original Gongsin-Gyoseo was 'Jeongwongun-bu' and the reissued time he became the father of King Injo. Also, it was confirmed that the case of deprivation because of conspiracy such as 'Kim jajeom, Kim ryeon, Sim kiwon, Sim kisung' was produced as the original document and deleted with black ink stick. It was newly confirmed while the original Gongsin-Gyoseo was produced by a designated writer from the nation, the reissuance was written by a writer from the family of the vassals. Since the mounting of Gongsin-Gyoseo could be changed according to the favor and technique of the craftsman participated in the practical production such as Baezeopjang and economical situation of the country supplying the material, the mounting of these three Gongsin-Gyoseo should be different from the original mounting, especially because of the loss of the original by the Manchu war of 1636. The comparison result of Gongsin-Gyoseo produced in the same period with the original issued one in the record of the related Uigwe (a collection of documents from the Joseon Dynasty), the reissued one seems to be larger in the form or ratio of the mounting compared to the first issued one. First of all, the width of Byunah was expanded as twice bigger, center and both side Hoejang also was bigger as over 2cm, and the below Hoejang was expanded as 10cm, and the ratio of the upper Hoejang and the below Hoejang was wider as 1.5 times and the reissuance was 1:1 ratio. The bisect of upper shaft in Park dongnyang Hoseong Gongsin-Gyoseo is assumed as the form of an equilateral triangle, not a half-moon shape of the present, and Gu goeng and Park jung Jeongsa Gongsin-Gyoseo will be the form whose bisection form is same but the size is smaller. Chuksu is confirmed that the size is not changed significantly. Osaekdahoe can be assumed that the width was smaller compared to the first issued one. The 3 pieces of the reissued versions provide the clue of the verification for the form of the mounting of Bosa Gongsin-Gyoseo in the same production period. In the situation that the mounting of the production time was not confirmed among the currently descended Bosa Gongsin-Gyoseo, they can be very important materials.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.38
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• pp.5-42
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• 2005

Based on a field investigation of intangible cultural asset # 2, author Sir Shin Seok-bong of Daejeon Metropolitan Cityinvestigated the music of Antaek-gut, which is the base and core of Anjoon-gut, and found the following musical features: A Jang-gu(drum) and Kkoaengkwari(gong) were used to recitethe Sutra(kyungmoon) of Anjoon-gut. The Jang-gu, located on the right side, played an accompaniment role with regular beats when the Sutra was recited. The Kkoaengkwari, located on the left side, played the role of covering the caesura of the Sutra passages, so it is played with various rhythmic variations in accordance with Kojang(鼓杖). This is one way of playing Korean national classical music that has temporary caesuras, depending on the rector's bre! ath or the contents of a Sutra during the Sutra chanting, with the Jang-gu covering the pause with its variation. In other words, when being played in concert, the instruments that play the main melody are at rest while another instrument takes its turn to play the main melody as a form of prolonged sound. The rhythmic cycles of the sutras of Antaek-gut recited with this instrumental accompaniment consist of five types; a) Woemarch-jangdan (a single beat) of 4 meter by 3 bit, b) Dumarch-jangdan (two beats) of 8 meter by 3 bit, c) Saemarch-jangdan (three beats) of 4 meter by 3 bit with a fast tempo, d) Mak-gojang, uniform beats with a standardized rhythm, and e) incomplete beats deviated from the regular beats. Sir Shin Seok-bong chanted Chang (唱), a traditional native song which he called 'Cheong (淸)' with a cycle of 'Dumarch-jangdan' throughout the places of Antaek-gut. Only 'Toesonggyung' a chant for the gate that was the last location of the Antaek, was chanted with a cycle of 'Woemarch-jan! gdan'. In addition, 'Saemarch-jangdan' and 'Mak-gojang' that had comparatively faster tempos than the former two jangdans, were played without a chant when a female shaman was dancing and catching her spirit-invoking wand. The 'Saemarch-jangdan', particularly, was played while dancing began at a relatively slow tempo, then proceeded at a violent tempo and then back again to the slow tempo. This shows one of the representative tempos of our music with a slow-fast-slow tempo. The organizational tones were 'mi-la-do'-re'', and its key tones of 'mi-la-do'' were performed with perfect fourth and minor third, which was the same as those of Menari-tori. However, it did not show a typical Sigimse, an ornamental tone, of Menari-tory, whose first tone, 'mi', is vibrated and its Sigimse is gliding down from the tone 're' to 'do'. That is because the regional tone-tori of Chungcheong-do have a relatively weaker musical expression than that of Gyeongsang-do. In addition, the rhythmic types in accordance with the words of a song for the Antaek-gut music had a comparatively faster tempo than the other sutras. Also, it was only with 'Toesonggyeong' that the tone 'la' continuously appeared throughout the melody and showed 'a syllabic rhythm', while other places consisted of either a 'syncopation' or 'melismatic' rhythm. Finally, according to a brief investigation of the tone organization in accordance with each sutra, the tone 'la' was given more weight. The tone procedure showed a mainly ascending 'la-do'' and the descending 'la-mi' with minor third and perfect fourth. Also, the overall tempo proceeded with M.M.♩.=116-184, while the tempo for the Gut proceeded with M.M.♩.=120-140, which was suitable for reciting a Sutra.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.65-89
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• 2004

Up to now, the studies for a pond of ancient palace of Korea are mainly achieved in a landscape architectural field. In fact, we can't grasp the general aspects but we are only heard about the fragmentary ruins and remains by the people who are in charge of an archaeological excavation. In this thesis, therefore, I attempt to grasp the relational categories of the ponds of an ancient palace of Korea, and find out the ideological backgrounds of the ponds of a palace construction through classify them excavated so far. The ancient ponds of Korea are divided to the class of square ponds(I) and curved ponds(II) according a shapes of planes. The class of square ponds(I) are subdivided to the form IA of the class of square ponds and form IB of the class of square ponds by whether it has an island, artificial hill and ornamental stone or not. And the class of the curved ponds(II) are divided to the form IIC that is only composed of curves in shore and the form IID that is composed of curves and straight lines. According the size, it is divided to a small size that is below the maximal diameter, 20m, and a large size that is more than 45m, after all, the ponds of the ancient palaces are devided to IAa, IAb, IBa, II Ca, IICb, IIDa. The square ponds and the curved ponds are co-exist from the initial stage when a pond of a place was found in our country and are succeeded or changed after Silla unified the three Kingdoms. In other words, we can infer a continuity from the earlier stage from the fact that there is a flat figure ground mainly constituted by the ponds of a palace mixed up of a straight line and a curved line in United Silla Kingdom while it succeeds the ponds of a palace that has a square form of Goguryo in Balhai. Different from the successional relation of the flat figure grounds, in an aspect of the elements of the construction, the site of the arbor at the top of the island and the bridge facilities in a field of a palace those are not exist in three Kingdoms period are appeared in United Silla Kingdom. The point that this aspect is simultaneously appeared in a neighboring country, or Japan, allows us to infer that there may be some motivations cause the changes in a construction of the ponds of a palace of Korea, China and Japan from the latter half of the 7th century to the first half of the 8th century. The ideological backgrounds of the ponds of a palace construction are divided roughly into Taoism and Buddhism. We can recognize that the ponds of a palace made up of the islands, the artificial hills and the garden rocks reflect Taiosm, considering the records of the ponds a palace of Korea and China are all use the term, Taoism, or the concrete statement represents that the islands, the artificial hills and the garden rocks are used in the description of the ponds of a palace of Korea. Both two are, therefore, obviously differentiated from the ponds of a palace that doesn't include them. We can conclude that the ponds of a palace that doesn't include them are colored by Buddhism since they are overtly distinguished from the class of curved ponds that reflect Taoism at the same period and they are identical with the site of an ancient temples in an aspect of their type and construction.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.32
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• pp.127-176
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• 2012

Metadata is well recognized as one of the foundational factors in archiving and long-term preservation of digital resources. There are several metadata standards for records management, archives and preservation, e.g. ISAD(G), EAD, AGRkMs, PREMIS, and OAIS. Consideration is important in selecting appropriate metadata standards in order to design metadata schema that meet the requirements of a particular archival system. Interoperability of metadata with other systems should be considered in schema design. In our previous research, we have presented a feature analysis of metadata standards by identifying the primary resource lifecycle stages where each standard is applied. We have clarified that any single metadata standard cannot cover the whole records lifecycle for archiving and preservation. Through this feature analysis, we analyzed the features of metadata in the whole records lifecycle, and we clarified the relationships between the metadata standards and the stages of the lifecycle. In the previous study, more detailed analysis was left for future study. This paper proposes to analyze the metadata schemas from the viewpoint of tasks performed in the lifecycle. Metadata schemas are primarily defined to describe properties of a resource in accordance with the purposes of description, e.g. finding aids, records management, preservation and so forth. In other words, the metadata standards are resource- and purpose-centric, and the resource lifecycle is not explicitly reflected in the standards. There are no systematic methods for mapping between different metadata standards in accordance with the lifecycle. This paper proposes a method for mapping between metadata standards based on the tasks contained in the resource lifecycle. We first propose a Task Model to clarify tasks applied to resources in each stage of the lifecycle. This model is created as a task-centric model to identify features of metadata standards and to create mappings among elements of those standards. It is important to categorize the elements in order to limit the semantic scope of mapping among elements and decrease the number of combinations of elements for mapping. This paper proposes to use 5W1H (Who, What, Why, When, Where, How) model to categorize the elements. 5W1H categories are generally used for describing events, e.g. news articles. As performing a task on a resource causes an event and metadata elements are used in the event, we consider that the 5W1H categories are adequate to categorize the elements. By using these categories, we determine the features of every element of metadata standards which are AGLS, AGRkMS, PREMIS, EAD, OAIS and an attribute set extracted from DPC decision flow. Then, we perform the element mapping between the standards, and find the relationships between the standards. In this study, we defined a set of terms for each of 5W1H categories, which typically appear in the definition of an element, and used those terms to categorize the elements. For example, if the definition of an element includes the terms such as person and organization that mean a subject which contribute to create, modify a resource the element is categorized into the Who category. A single element can be categorized into one or more 5W1H categories. Thus, we categorized every element of the metadata standards using the 5W1H model, and then, we carried out mapping among the elements in each category. We conclude that the Task Model provides a new viewpoint for metadata schemas and is useful to help us understand the features of metadata standards for records management and archives. The 5W1H model, which is defined based on the Task Model, provides us a core set of categories to semantically classify metadata elements from the viewpoint of an event caused by a task.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.197-218
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• 2019

In addition to economic growth and national income increase, China is also experiencing rapid growth in consumption of cosmetics. About 67% of the total trade volume of Chinese cosmetics is made by e-commerce and especially K-Beauty products, which are Korean cosmetics are very popular. According to previous studies, 80% of consumer goods such as cosmetics are affected by the word of mouth information, searching the product information before purchase. Mostly, consumers acquire information related to cosmetics through comments made by other consumers on SNS such as SINA Weibo and Wechat, and recently they also use information about beauty related video channels. Most of the previous online word-of-mouth researches were mainly focused on media itself such as Facebook, Twitter, and blogs. However, the informational characteristics and the expression forms are also diverse. Typical types are text, picture, and video. This study focused on these types. We analyze the unstructured data of SINA Weibo, the SNS representative platform of China, and Meipai, the video platform, and analyze the impact of K-Beauty brand sales by dividing online word-of-mouth information with quantity and direction information. We analyzed about 330,000 data from Meipai, and 110,000 data from SINA Weibo and analyzed the basic properties of cosmetics. As a result of analysis, the amount of online word-of-mouth information has a positive effect on the sales of cosmetics irrespective of the type of media. However, the online videos showed higher impacts than the pictures and texts. Therefore, it is more effective for companies to carry out advertising and promotional activities in parallel with the existing SNS as well as video related information. It is understood that it is important to generate the frequency of exposure irrespective of media type. The positiveness of the video media was significant but the positiveness of the picture and text media was not significant. Due to the nature of information types, the amount of information in video media is more than that in text-oriented media, and video-related channels are emerging all over the world. In particular, China has made a number of video platforms in recent years and has enjoyed popularity among teenagers and thirties. As a result, existing SNS users are being dispersed to video media. We also analyzed the effect of online type of information on the online cosmetics sales by dividing the product type of cosmetics into basic cosmetics and color cosmetics. As a result, basic cosmetics had a positive effect on the sales according to the number of online videos and it was affected by the negative information of the videos. In the case of basic cosmetics, effects or characteristics do not appear immediately like color cosmetics, so information such as changes after use is often transmitted over a period of time. Therefore, it is important for companies to move more quickly to issues generated from video media. Color cosmetics are largely influenced by negative oral statements and sensitive to picture and text-oriented media. Information such as picture and text has the advantage and disadvantage that the process of making it can be made easier than video. Therefore, complaints and opinions are generally expressed in SNS quickly and immediately. Finally, we analyzed how product diversity affects sales according to online word of mouth information type. As a result of the analysis, it can be confirmed that when a variety of products are introduced in a video channel, they have a positive effect on online cosmetics sales. The significance of this study in the theoretical aspect is that, as in the previous studies, online sales have basically proved that K-Beauty cosmetics are also influenced by word-of-mouth. However this study focused on media types and both media have a positive impact on sales, as in previous studies, but it has been proven that video is more informative and influencing than text, depending on media abundance. In addition, according to the existing research on information direction, it is said that the negative influence has more influence, but in the basic study, the correlation is not significant, but the effect of negation in the case of color cosmetics is large. In the case of temporal fashion products such as color cosmetics, fast oral effect is influenced. In practical terms, it is expected that it will be helpful to use advertising strategies on the sales and advertising strategy of K-Beauty cosmetics in China by distinguishing basic and color cosmetics. In addition, it can be said that it recognized the importance of a video advertising strategy such as YouTube and one-person media. The results of this study can be used as basic data for analyzing the big data in understanding the Chinese cosmetics market and establishing appropriate strategies and marketing utilization of related companies.

• Journal of Food Hygiene and Safety
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• v.34 no.3
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• pp.227-234
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• 2019

An analytical method was developed for the determination of oxytetracycline in agricultural products using the QuEChERS (Quick, Easy, Cheap, Effective, Rugged and Safe) method by liquid chromatography-tandem mass spectrometry (LC-MS/MS). After the samples were extracted with methanol, the extracts were adjusted to pH 4 by formic acid and sodium chloride was added to remove water. Dispersive solid phase extraction (d-SPE) cleanup was carried out using $MgSO_4$ (anhydrous magnesium sulfate), PSA (primary secondary amine), $C_{18}$ (octadecyl) and GCB (graphitized carbon black). The analytes were quantified and confirmed with LC-MS/MS using ESI (electrospray ionization) in positive ion MRM (multiple reaction monitoring) mode. The matrix-matched calibration curves were constructed using six levels ($0.001{\sim}0.25{\mu}g/mL$) and coefficient of determination ($r^2$) was above 0.99. Recovery results at three concentrations (LOQ, $10{\times}LOQ$, and $50{\times}LOQ$, n=5) were from 80.0 to 108.2% with relative standard deviations (RSDs) less than of 11.4%. For inter-laboratory validation, the average recovery was in the range of 83.5~103.2% and the coefficient of variation (CV) was below 14.1%. All results satisfied the criteria ranges requested in the Codex guidelines (CAC/GL 40-1993, 2003) and the Food Safety Evaluation Department guidelines (2016). The proposed analytical method was accurate, effective and sensitive for oxytetracycline determination in agricultural commodities. This study could be useful for safety management of oxytetracycline residues in agricultural products.