• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.85-114
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• 2023

The purpose of this study is to analyze Russia-Central Asia relations since the launch of the EAEU in 2015 and forecast the future from a structural realism perspective. Bilateral relations have both elements of close cooperation and elements of conflict. Russia and Central Asia, which have the characteristics of an authoritarian alliance, also have a symbiotic relationship in which they have no choice but to cooperate with each other to maintain the regime. Based on this, Russia has made various efforts to reunify Central Asia. Central Asia also has no choice but to cooperate with Russia for its survival, but at the same time, it has expanded its scope of cooperation in the international community to avoid being subjugated to Russia again. However, as China's power expands, Russia's relative weakness, and wariness toward Russia increases after the Ukraine War, the gap in bilateral relations is widening. In particular, as China's influence grows, Russia's nervousness also increases. This is why Putin visits Central Asia and holds active summit talks even during the war in Ukraine. If competition between Russia and China surfaces, there is a high possibility that the international order in Central Asia will become unstable. However, it is still unlikely that the power of Russia and China will reverse in Central Asia. Above all, the security, historical, and cultural connections between Russia and Central Asia are areas that are difficult for China to catch up with. Therefore, a weakening of Russia's influence compared to the past is inevitable, but its superiority is expected to continue. If Russia breaks away from belligerence and transforms into an attractive cooperative partner, there is a possibility that bilateral relations will take an upward turn again. However, it seems unlikely that such changes and innovations will occur under the Putin regime. Therefore, the biggest obstacle to realizing Putin's goal of reunifying Central Asia is Putin himself.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.47-72
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• 2009

Since the Soviet Union collapsed, Russia has been aggressively seeking a role and place in the U.S.-led international order. Russia conditionally cooperated with the U.S. global policy, efforts to protect and expand the national interests in Post-soviet region. In this context, Post-soviet space is the arena of the struggle among the world powers. Especially in Ukraine as the Axis power of Post-soviet space, hegemony conflicts so called 'New Cold War' between Russia and western powers including U.S. have appeared. This paper examines what are Russian military security strategy and policy, how these come to fruition in Ukraine, what are important factors of complications and its aspect.

• KIPS Transactions on Computer and Communication Systems
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• v.11 no.10
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• pp.353-362
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• 2022

The Russian-Ukraine war is accompanied by a military armed conflict and cyberattacks are in progress. As Russia designated Korea as an unfriendly country, there is an urgent need to prepare countermeasures as the risk of cyberattacks on Korea has also increased. Accordingly, impact of 19 cyberattack cases were analyzed by their type, and characteristics and implications were derived by examining them from five perspectives, including resource mobilization and technological progress. Through this, a total of seven measures were suggested as countermeasures for the Korean government, including strengthening multilateral cooperation with value-sharing countries, securing cyberattack capabilities and strengthening defense systems, and preparing plans to connect with foreign security companies. The results of this study can be used to establish the Korean government's cybersecurity policy.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.177-192
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• 2023

A prerequisite for a lasting ceasefire is the emergence of a prevailing view in Moscow and Kyiv that the fighting has reached a hurting stalemate. In sum, they both lose more through continuing warfare than by a ceasefire. This study applies social identity dynamics of nationalism to this escalatory conflict. It generates findings that imply that China as a third-party great power intervening mediator can potentially play a pivotal role. Shifting the respective prevailing views in Moscow and Kyiv of their interaction from a zero-sum foundation requires proffering powerful economic and political third-party incentives. Effective inducement would facilitate national defense, development and prestige for Moscow as well as Kyiv. China arguably has the underutilized potential power capabilities necessary to alter the respective prevailing views of strategic relationships among the great powers within Moscow, Brussels and Washington. A prerequisite for success in striving effectively towards this strategic goal is cooperation with the Beijing despite skepticism from Washington. This study utilizes a process tracing methodological approach. It highlights that the foundations of the Russo-Ukraine war lie in the institutionalization within Euro-Atlantic integration of the Cold War assumption that the USSR was an imperialist revisionist actor. Russia is the USSR's successor state. Moscow's prevailing view is that Russian national self-determination was unjustly circumscribed in the multinational Soviet totalitarian Communist system. The Euro-Atlantic community is perceived as a neocolonial imperial threat by allying with post-1991 Ukrainian nationalism at Russia's expense. The study finds that acknowledging Eurasian regional multipolarity is necessary, if not sufficient, to coopt Beijing into a global political stabilization strategy. It functionally aims to promote international balancing to lessen potentials for horizontal as well as vertical escalation of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.27-59
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• 2023

This study aims to serve as a critical comparison of the currently controversial 'new cold war' discourse. It took three triggers for the 'new cold war' discourse to emerge as a major issue in the media and academia and to have real political impact. With the launch of China's 'Belt and Road' project and Russia's annexation of Crimea leading to the 'Ukraine crisis,' the 'new cold war' discourse has begun to take shape. Trump's U.S.-China trade spat has brought the 'new cold war' debate to the forefront. The 'new cold war' debate is currently being intensified by the Biden administration's framing of "democracy versus authoritarianism" and Putin's invasion of Ukraine. Currently, there is no consensus among scholars on whether the controversial 'new cold war' is a new version, or a continuation of the historically defined concept of the Cold War. The term 'New Cold War' is less of an analytical concept and more of a topical term that has yet to achieve analytical status, let alone a theoretical validation and systematization, and the related debate remains at the level of assertion or discourse. Through this comparative analysis, I will argue that the ongoing discourse of the 'New Cold War' does not have the instrumental explanatory power to analyze the transitional phenomena of the world order today.

• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.175-180
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• 2023

On the day of 24 February 2022, Ukraine was invaded by Russia which signed to ensure definitely the Ukraine's national sovereignty, territorial integrity and security under the UN General Assembly Security Council A/49/765, named as the Budapest Agreement. This invasion is the 2nd invasion succeeded in Crimean Peninsula invasion of March 2014 after the Ukraine's national independence in 1991 from the USSR. However this invasion has been continuing for much more than one year. Although Ukraine President appealed the 'peace' toward Russia and claimed also to justify the Budapest Agreement of 1994 toward U.S.A., even any justifications were not appealed. The critical moment of the national abolition could be escaped from the unified desperate spirit of all nations including the president, political-social leaders and military members. Such patriotic and self-help spirits in Ukraine resulted in the active supports from the U.S.A., western and eastern free democratic countries, NATO and EU, and even the neutral countries. Furthermore these supports are increasing much more day-after-day. The lessons which the Ukraine War offers to the Korean national security should be cored with the development of self-reliant national defense capabilities, self-strenuous efforts and unity strengthening of the Korean-U.S. Alliance with the deep confidence.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.4
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• pp.115-120
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• 2022

The Rsussian Armed Forces(RAF) invaded Ukraine on Feburary 24. However, the Armed Forces of Ukraine(AFU) unexpectedly blocked the Russian wave attack made the war between Ukraine and Russia lengthened. Major think-tanks and military experts in the world assessed that the AFU overwhelmed the RAF at the initial stage of the war because of decentralized combats based on mission command. Especially, the decentralized small units of the AFU damaged the RAF and slowed down its Iniative. The 4^th industrial revolution makes the Korean Peninsula the multi-domain battlefield in the future; accordingly, the Decentralized combat won't be a choice, but a necessity in the future. Therefore, the AFU's offensive decentralized combats in this war Suggests many things to the Republic of Korea Army.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.1-5
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• 2024

With the Russia-Ukraine war ongoing, the war broke out due to a surprise attack by Hamas on October 7, 2023. Israel and Hamas had a conflict with similar causes and aspects in 2021, which was immediately resolved with a peace agreement. It is no exaggeration to say that 'human history is the history of war.' War accounts for a significant portion of human history. According to Kenneth Waltz, the violent and selfish nature of humans, the nature of nations pursuing their own interests, and the international system act simultaneously as causes of war. The purpose of this study is to analyze the causes of the Israel-Hamas war using Kenneth Waltz's three image theories to derive implications and provide implications for Korea's military strategy.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.5
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• pp.27-33
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• 2023

The war between Ukraine and Russia continues. Ukraine, with the help of the United States and others, is fighting a superior battle against Russia with advanced weapons applied artificial intelligence. In line with this trend, the Korean military announced Defense Innovation 4.0 to expend investment in defense technology for the 4th Industrial Revolution and to realize a smart military. In order to achieve this effectively, it is necessary to examine the weapons R&D system. This thesis examines the existing weapons research and development system and derives the plans that can rapidly develop Advanced weapons in a timely manner. In addition, the plans for Rapid R&D for the application of the recently introduced 4th industrial revolution technology was also presented. Through this, it was intended to help the Korean military quickly adopt Advanced weapons in the future.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.22 no.7
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• pp.117-122
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• 2022

The main purpose of the article is to determine the economic consequences of the impact of war on labor resources and tourism in terms of ensuring economic security. Today, in the context of Russia's invasion of the territory of Ukraine, an important aspect of people's lives is confidence in their safety. But no less important is the provision of economic security, its impact on the labor and tourism aspects of this type of security, the negative impact on which is carried out under the influence of war. Modern society is faced with the same problems that were a hundred years ago: technological progress, the balance of power in the world community, social problems, military conflicts. In the modern development of society, no one can deny the amazing scientific progress in new technologies and communications.That is why it is important to understand how dangerous war is not only for human life, but also for the economy of the state, its labor and tourism aspects.