• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.17-26
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• 1986

Landscape around a settlement is not only a natural object, but also a matters of the man in the co-relation with his environment. Man perceives the landscape rational or sensible. Then it changes into the substance for him and influences him: as we see often in the folklore, that is of importance in the mind. Man reacts against his surroundings deceidedly, selfassurd or commonly, and uses sometimes the landscape to the elements for realization, physical or symbolical. Out of one character of korean villages, adaption to the circumstances, we can notice also its inner image, the reflection of the mind. Seeing and perceiving the environment emotional or reasonable and, reflecting and descreibing the inner self on the space. Here, the landscape and the nature are matter of the man, a scale for his ethical estimation or a mailer of the realization his mind. It is difficult, but important, such a immanent picture in(or of) the landscape to find. This is a preliminary study in such a way.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.2
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• pp.1-13
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• 2020

This study closely analyzed poems and paintings related to Beijing-Palgyeong, as well as ancient maps and ancient writings. Through the study, people who read this study can consider, Beijing-Palgyeong's the process of changing times, changing landscape perception, physical and symbolic landscape elements, structural analysis, national management relationships, and finally how it was localized as symbolic place. The view point of the Beijing-Palgyeong is distributed in four places, one outside and one inside the city. Outside of the capital city of Beijing-Palgyeong were concentrated in Seosan(西山) where the resting place of the emperor and the center of the landscape view of Beijing. The view point of Beijing-Palgyeong inside the capital city is located in two places in the royal palace's Imperial Garden and in two villages around the fortress. In other words, Beijing-Palgyeong was selected as a place closely related to the imperial family, emperor, and royal palace from the time of its initial creation. Since then, many scholars, including the emperor, have used it for national management through Won(元), Ming and Qing Dynasty, and it have become more and more characteristic of 'The capital city of eight scenic views'. The two places inside the capital city praised the Gods and Emperors in the same way. Outside the capital city, the two sites depict the comfortable lives of the people who are governed by the emperor and depicting the village landscape around the city. In the end, it can be seen that most of the Beijing-Palgyeong are related to imperial palaces and emperors. If you look at the physical landscape of Beijing-Palgyeong by element, it mainly contains the contents of national management and the emperor's eulogy. Qianlong Emperor established the Beijing-Palgyeong in 1751 through the construction of a monument. A four-character on the front of the monument, and inscribed with a seven-word written by the person on the back. It can be said that Qianlong Emperor's Beijing-Palgyeong were intended to show off the results of Manchurian rule through the material symbol of the monument. Beijing-Palgyeong have been transformed into a landmark, and modern people use it as an indicator of the Beijing-Palgyeong.

• Journal of the Korea Organic Resources Recycling Association
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.86-92
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• 2011

In order to reduce dependence on the fossil fuels and $CO_2$ gas emission in farming activities, the government has pushed ahead with making the self-sufficiency of farming energy up 40% level in green villages. The objectives of this study are to survey the energy consumption of horticultural facilities or agricultural machineries, and to analyze the reduced $CO_2$ gas emission level from fossil fuel to bio-diesel fuel. For the implement of this study, it is necessary to analyze the energy consumption level in the various sector of farming activities, and available renewable energy sources should be selected. Annual total $CO_2$ gas emission in the tillage farming sector was analyzed as $5,667,258\;t-CO_2$ and that in the horticultural facilities occupied $4,932,607\;t-CO_2$, while the $CO_2$ gas emission level of diesel fuel was $3,105,707\;t-CO_2$, and that of the heavy oil showed $1,370,578\;t-CO_2$. The average $CO_2$ gas emission level of horticultural facilities in the country was analyzed as $29,418\;t-CO_2/ha$. Among the total energy consumption of agricultural machineries, tractor used 284,763kL, power tiller spent 221,314 kL, grain drier consumed 145,524kL and combine tractor expend 72,537kL. From the comparison of $CO_2$ gas emission level between fossil fuel and bio-diesel fuel for the horticultural facilities or agricultural machinery in G-City, Jeonbuk Province, the $CO_2$ gas emission level can be reduced by 7% through replacing the fuel from fossil to biodiesel.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.30-51
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• 2011

During the process of modernization, many rural villages in Korea have experienced degeneration and breakdown, losing sustainability. However, Oeam village in Asan City, South Chungcheong Province (State-designated cultural heritage, Important Folk Material No. 236) has established itself as a unique folk village, which evolves with sustainability, pursuing the revival of Neo-traditionalism. Oeam village is a tribal village of the Yis from the Yean region and has maintained environmental, economic, and social sustainability and soundness for over five centuries. Thus, the village has sustained itself well enough to be a cultural asset with 'Outstanding Universal Value', in terms of its value as world cultural heritage. The village maintains its own identity, filled with a variety of traditional and scenic cultural assets that symbolize a gentry village. Those assets include Confucian sceneries (head family houses, ancestral shrines, tombs, gravestones, commemorative monuments, and pavilions), various assets of folk religion (totem poles, protective trees at the entrance of a village, shrines for mountain spirits, village forests), tangible and intangible cultural assets related to daily lives (vigorous family activities, rigorous ancestral rituals, family rituals, collective agriculture and protection of ecosystem), which have all been well preserved and inherited. In particular, this village is an example of a well-being community with a well-preserved folksy atmosphere, which is based on environmentally sound settlements (nature + economy + environment + community) in a village established according to geomancy, East Asia's unique principle of environmental design. In addition, the village has kept the sustainability and authenticity for more than 500 years, combining restraint towards the environment and the view of the environment which respects the natural order and cultural values (capacity + healthy + sustainability). Therefore, the Oeam folk village can be a representative example of a folksy and scenic Korean community which falls into the category of IV (to exemplify an outstanding type of building, architectural or technological ensemble, or landscape which illustrates significant stages in human history) and V (to exemplify an outstanding traditional human settlement, land-use, or sea-use which is representative of cultures, or human interaction with the environment especially when it has become vulnerable under the impact of irreversible change) of Unesco's World Cultural Heritage.

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.71-76
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• 1973

1. This survey is somewhat different from that conducted by Yonsei University, although being in many respects, very similar. We found the average per capita caloric intake to be 7 or 8% of what it should be. Of that caloric intake, 84.5% in the model village here and 82.2% in the compared village Bupyong, by and large depends on cereal grains. Since such grains tend to distend the stomach, the farmers, it seems,should substitute fat for a part of their diet so as to dimish digestive pain and still receive the necessary calories. 2. Protein is the most important nutrient for the development of physical strength and improvement of health, but the average daily intake is only 68.3% of the necessary amount. It is desirable that the ratio of vegetable protein to that of animal be one to three for maintaining one's health. Most of the villager's protein, however, comes from plants: the intake of animal protein, at a level of only 13.6 g, is far below such a one to three ratio. 3. In the model village, 497.6 mg, of inorganic calcium is the daily intake level. In the compared village it is 505.5 mg, making a difference of only 8mg. This, however, is 35% less than the recommended intake. More than 50% of this calcium comes from cereals and other plants. Moreover, plant calcium which has much oxakuc acud us not as nutritional as animal calcium, so their calcium diet is less than it would appear. We must, therefore, make efforts to receive as good nutritional calcium as possible. 4. Among the vitamin group, the daily average intake of vitamin A and vitamin $B_{2}$ are respectively 40% and 32% less than the desired intake, while vitamin $B_{1}$ happens to be taken in sufficient quantities and more niacin is taken than which is even necessary. The intake of vitamin C is much more than the necessary quantity. However, this figure was calculated from uncooked food; if the loss from cooking were to be considered, the real intake might well be a little less. Also, as this survey was carried out in May, some of these results were influenced by the fact that lettuce and spinach are seasonally popular. In conclusion, except for a few nutrients which are in abundance, the normal food intake in a day is, on the whole, less than the average recommended. Furthermore despite the fact that both of these places are model villages in the development of nutrition, it seems that they have not gotten out of such conventional eating habiys as the almost dependancy on cereal grains. Cow's milk, sheep's milk, eggs and so on produced by each farmhouse are not used for their own families but are taken to the market for the purpose of making money. Accordingly, I think from now we must seek to improve, guide and enlighten the farmers as to how to correct their eating habits and implement changes in their lives so that our firm purpose may be achieved.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.43 no.6
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• pp.73-85
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• 2015

This study investigated the extent and magnitude of the woodland edge effects on users' thermal environments according to distance from woodland border. A series of experiments to measure air temperature, relative humidity, wind velocity, MRT and UTCI were conducted over six days between July 31 and August 5, 2015, which corresponded with extremely hot weather, at the south-facing edge of Hadongsongrim(pure Pinus densiflora stands, tree age: $100{\pm}33yr$, tree height: $12.8{\pm}2.7m$, canopy closure: 75%, N $35^{\circ}03^{\prime}34.7^{{\prime}{\prime}}$, E $127^{\circ}44^{\prime}43.3^{{\prime}{\prime}}$, elevation 7~10m) and east-facing edge of Hamyangsangrim (Quercus serrata-Carpinus tschonoskii community, tree age: 102~125yr/58~123yr, tree height: tree layer $18.6{\pm}2.3m/subtree$ layer $5.9{\pm}3.2m/shrub$ layer $0.5{\pm}0.5m$, herbaceous layer coverage ratio 60%, canopy closure: 96%, N $35^{\circ}31^{\prime}28.1^{{\prime}{\prime}}$, E $127^{\circ}43^{\prime}09.8^{{\prime}{\prime}}$, elevation 170~180m) in rural villages of Hadong and Hamyang, Korea. The minus result value of depth means woodland's outside. The depth of edge influence(DEI) on the maximum air temperature, minimum relative humidity and wind speed at maximum air temperature time during the daytime(10:00~17:00) were detected to be $12.7{\pm}4.9$, $15.8{\pm}9.8$ and $23.8{\pm}26.2m$, respectively, in the mature evergreen conifer woodland of Hadongsongrim. These were detected to be $3.7{\pm}2.2$, $4.9{\pm}4.4$ and $2.6{\pm}7.8m$, respectively, in the deciduous broadleaf woodland of Hamyansangrim. The DEI on the maximum 10 minutes average MRT, UTCI from the three-dimensional environment absorbed by the human-biometeorological reference person during the daytime(10:00~17:00) were detected to be $7.1{\pm}1.7$ and $4.3{\pm}4.6m$, respectively, in the relatively sparse woodland of Hadongsongrim. These were detected to be $5.8{\pm}4.9$ and $3.5{\pm}4.1m$, respectively, in the dense and closed woodland of Hadongsongrim. Edge effects on the thermal environments of air temperature, relative humidity, wind speed, MRT and UTCI in the sparse woodland of Hadongsongrim were less pronounced than those recorded in densed and closed woodland of Hamyansangrim. The gradient variation was less steep for maximum 10 minutes average UTCI with at least $4.3{\pm}4.6m$(Hadongsongrim) and $3.5{\pm}4.1m$(Hamyansangrim) being required to stabilize the UTCI at mature woodlands. Therefore it is suggested that the woodlands buffer widths based on the UTCI values should be 3.5~7.6 m(Hamyansangrim) and 4.3~8.9(Hadongsongrim) m on each side of mature woodlands for users' thermal comfort environments. The woodland edge structure should be multi-layered canopies and closed edge for the buffer effect of woodland edge on woodland users' thermal comfort.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.2
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• pp.32-41
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• 2008

An empirical study and environmental and ecological analysis were conducted on Otgol Village(a village of the Gyeongju Choi's clan in Daegu) where an enclosed pond and groves are still observed. In particular, the enclosed pond and groves and village water system were investigated from an ecological perspective. The enclosed landscape is described based on feng shui principles and the environmental and ecological significance were examined. In general, the environmental and ecological significance is very broad; however, they were analyzed in terms of the quality of life as an empirical study as follows: First, water quality was measured to investigate the improvement of continuous water system functions. In other words, water quality was measured at East Valley(resting space), West Valley(living space), the enclosed pond where the two valleys merge, and the stream that flows out of the pond. Second, the climate functions of the enclosed groves that border the village were examined. In other words, temperature was measured in two places(200m distance from the center of the groves). Third, whether or not a sound ecosystem can be sustained was investigated. In other words, landscape ecological indicators were chosen and measured. The results are as follows: First, the enclosed pond played the role of purifying water quality. While the East Valley has been popular with men for its rock walls and torrents, the West Valley has been popular with women as a living space(ex: doing the laundry). Therefore, the difference of water quality can be explained. Second, since enclosed groves are in a small village forest, they are very weak in terms of being wind proof and temperature reduction effects. Instead, they play the role of the village boundary. Third, the groves are ecologically sound considering the landscape ecological indicators and are similar to ordinary traditional rural villages. In terms of the connection of the green zone, the village groves are well connected to the village boundary wood. If the village groves are restored, in particular, they would offer a decent habitat for grove creatures. According to this study, the traditional village space was formed upon the influence of Feng Shui theories that are based on environmental and ecological principles that focus on the harmony between humans and nature. From the environmental and ecological perspective, the enclosed pond and groves are important factors in building a sustainable village. The diverse water space would help to improve water quality and increase water volume by promoting the water circulation system. In addition, the village woods would surround the village and decrease the temperature and humidity difference between winter and summer. If the groves are small and badly damaged, however, they are meaningful only in dividing the region. The overall improvement of a forestation system and botanical composition may increase the biological diversity and promote the migration of species. Otgol Village has developed an enclosed landscape to improve the village environment. In other words, a sound and refreshing living environment can be developed when the natural ecological system is well understood and properly preserved. Additionally, this traditional village planning will be the environmental and ecological method. From the perspective of environmental ecology, therefore, a traditional village is recommended.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.84-104
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• 1994

The migration of population into the city has been on the increase according as Korea has been industrialized repidly since the 1960's. And there is a steady decrease in rural population. Thus lack of the number of the students forced many elementary Schools to be abolished. The aim of this study is to grasp the abolition types and the regional characteristics with the subject region of Chungbuk province. From the viewpoint of the increasing abolition of the elementary schools, I think it is very important to understand how the elementary schools have been abolished so far and predict how the subject region will have been changed in geography. Data for this study are based on Annual Establishment-Abolition Situation of the Schools published by Chungbuk office of Education in 1992, and many Kinds of the statistical reports, and the interview with the related. The results are as follows: 1. By examining the change of the number of the elementary schools and students in Chnugbuk, the numder of the students had also decreased since 1969 and was less than the half in 1990. As the number of the schools began to decrease ten years later than the students began to, the abolition of the elementary schools has started in reality from 1980's. 2. The 72 elementary schools were aboilshed between 1980 and 1992: the principal school is 9.7%, the branch school is 90.3%. The most fifteen schools are abolished in Yongdong-county and Chechon-county, and the least one school is abolished in Chechon-city and Okchon-county, and there is no abolition in Chongju-city and Chungju-city: According to the type of the abolition process, the least seven principal schools are abolished, and the principal school is reorganized as a branch school and twenty eight branch schools are abolished, and the most thirty seven branch schools are abolished. 3. When special change of the abolition is classified into the first perio (1980-1986) and the second period (1987-1992), in the first period the principal and branch schools were abolished and they are 13.9% of total abolition. The abolition out of them by building a dam is 60%. The principal schools in the submerged area though they have many students, were abolished. In the second period sixty two branch schools are abolished and they are 86.1% of total abolition. The most fifteen schools are abolished in Yongdong-county, thirteen in Chechon-county, seven in Tanyang-county, six in Chongwon-county, five in Chungwon-county and Koesan-county. Unlike the first period, the schools were abolished in this period because the number of students was so small. In this period sixty branch schools were abolished. All the students in the abolished schools except six schools transfered to the principal schools. The 58 school authorities help the students attend school by bus or support the expenses for attending school after that. 4. The abolition types of city, county and myon are classified into five types by the number of the abolished schools. The most forty nine abolished schools in type II are 68.1 of the total abolition. The least three abolished ones in type I are 12.5%. Considering the relation between the abolition type ane the number of schools and students, the number of the schools, increased in type I, II, III, V except IV from 1980 and then have decreased by abolition since 1980, while the more students decreased than they did in 1970 and the more the abolished school increases, the less the students decreases. The average students per school decreased in every abolition type and the most students decreased in type IV. 5. Considering the relation between the abolition type and the regional characteristics, most abolished schools were located between 100m and 300m above the sea level and it is 71% of the total abolition. The region without the abolition is high in the ratio of the cultivate land, ratio of rice field, and the part-time farmer, but the region with many abolition is low in the ratio of cultivated land. As for the manufacturing there are the most city, county and myon in the abolition type in Youngdong-county and Chechon-county where the manufacturing ratio of employing is low but Chongju-city without the abolition is a region where the manufacturing ratio is high. Consequently the development of the manufacturing causes the population to emigation out and the decrease of the population leads the transport is difficult of access, the facilities sold after being abolished are not being used in many ways. 7. Take an example of Youndong-county where the most schools were abolished, I have examined the school district and the population characteristics of the abolition. Though there were more villages, households, populations in the region that is higher than low above the sea level, the schools were abolished. Therefore we know that above the sea level had a great effect on the abolition. As a result of the regional analysis of the abolition, many schools were abolished by the artificial buildings such as a dam in the early 1980's but the schools in the late 1980's were abolished ten years later after the students decreased. More schools were abolished in the region where the manufacturing industry didn't develop. And the higher the school position was above the sea level, the sooner the school was abolished. It is also proved that both the beautiful natural scenery and accessibility are the important factor in using the abolished facilities practically.

• Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.66-80
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• 1983

As a part of the epidemiological studies of clonorchiasis in Korea, this study was conducted to evaluate the current endemicity and the natural transition of the Clonorchis infection in Goyang Gun a low endemic area in recent years, prior to the introduction of praziquantel which will eventually influence to the status of the prevalence. The data obtained in this study in 1983 were evaluated for natural transition of the infection in comparison with those obtained 16 years ago in 1967 by the author (Kim, 1974). The areas of investigation, villages and schools surveyed, methods and techniques used in this study were the same as in 1967, except for the contents of the questionnaire for raw freshwater fish consumption by the local inhabitants. 1) The current prevalence rate of Clonorchis infection among the inhabitants was 7.5% on the average out of a total of 479 persons examined. The prevalence rate was 9.0% in the riverside area and 4.2% in the inland area. Among the schoolchildren, the prevalence rate was 1.1% out of a total of 1 319 examined. By area, it was 1.4% in the riverside area and 0.7% in the inland area. By sex, the prevalence rate was 13.3% in the male and 1.3% in the female in the inhabitants and no difference was seen in the schoolchildren. 2) In the natural transition of the infection, the prevalence rate in the inhabitants has decreased from 22.5% in 1967 to 7.5% in 1983, and in the schoolchildren, from 9.5% in 1967 to 1.1% in 1983. The reduction rate was higher in the riverside area than in the inland area. 3) In the prevalence rate by age, 1.2% was seen in the 10-14 age group and gradually increased to 8.1% in the 30-39 age group and reached peak 18.1% in the 40-49 age group. By sex, in the male, the prevalence rates have increased to 31.9% and 33.3% in the 40-49 and 50-59 age groups, respectively and decreased thereafter. In the female, the prevalence rate less than 5% was seen only in between the 10-14 and 30-39 age groups. 4) In the natural transition of the prevalence rate by age, sharp decrease was seen in the male from around 50% in 1967 between 15-19 and 30-39 age groups. The generation over 40s showed less decrease. In the female, the prevalence rate has decreased from 13% in 1967 to 5% in 1983 in the middle age groups and dropped to 0% in the rest of the age groups. 5) The intensity of the infection among clonorchiasis cases by mean EPmg (number of eggs per mg feces) value was 1.4. In the inhabitants, the value was 2.0 in the riverside area and 0.4 in the inland area. While in the schoolchildren, the value was 0.2 in both riverside and inland areas. 6) In the transition of the intensity of the infection, EPmg among the inhabitants has decreased from 3.9 in 1967 to 2.0 in 1983 in the riverside area, and from 2.9 to 0.4 in the inland area. In the schoolchildren, the reduction was similar in both riverside and inland areas resulting from 1.0-1.1 in 1967 to 0.2 in 1983. 7) In the intensity of the infection by age, EPmg 3.4 was peak at the 40-49 age group and 0.2-1.0 was seen in the rest of the age groups. The mean value was 1.5 in the male and 0.6 in the female. 8) In the natural transition of the intensity of the infection, the EPmg has decreased from 2.7 in 1967 to 1.4 in 1983. By age, reduction was seen in all of the age groups, particularly in the young and the old age groups of 50s and over, except in the 40-49 age group in which reverse phenomenon was seen. By sex, it has decreased from 3.5 in 1967 to 1.5 in 1983 in the male and from 1.0 to 0.6 in the female. 9) In the distribution of the clonorchiasis cases by the range of EPmg value, 70.3% of the cases were placed in the range of 0.1-0.9 as the most and 16.2% in 1.0-4.9 as the next. With such figures, those included in the range less than 0.9 as light infection were 78.4% and under 5.0-9.9 up to moderate infection 99.3% of the cases were covered. The cases were distributed up to 20.0-39.9 in the male and to 1.0-4.9 in the female. 10) In the transition of the distribution of the clonorchiasis cases by EPmg, the highest intensity reached up to 60.0-79.9 in 1967 and to 20.0-39.9 in 1983. In the range of light infection, under 0.1-0.9, the distribution in rate was 64.5% in 1967 and 78.4% in 1983. Up to the range of moderate infection, under 5.0-9.9, 91.7% in 1967 and 97.3% in 1983 were seen respectively. 11) In a survey for raw freshwater fish consumption among the local inhabitants,78.3 of the clonorchiasis cases interviewed admitted their experience of the raw consumption. However, those who practised in the past two years were 34.8% 55.6% of those who have such experience in the past professed that they did not practise raw freshwater fish consumption in the past two years. 12) The major cause of the reduction of the raw freshwater fish consumption among the inhabitants were the wide spread water pollution in the locality. The most common reason professed for stopping raw freshwater fish consumption among the inhabitants was the risk of the fluke infection. 13) In animal survey, 3.1% of dogs were found infected with Clonorchis, decreasing from 21.6% in 1967. 14) The distribution of the first intermediate host, Parafossarulus manchouricus has greatly diminished in this locality and found only in two localized ponds. No Clonorchis infection was found from the snails examined. 15) The second intermediate freshwater fish host has been further limited by extended water pollution. No susceptible fish host could be examined. 16) In conclusion, the endemicity of Clonorchis infection in Croyang Gun, low endemic area, has significantly decreased during the past 16 years. The major cause of the regressive transition of the infection was the water pollution of the freshwater system of this locality. This has upset the ecosystems of the intermediate host of Clonorchis sinensis in many areas of waterbodies and further discouraged to a significant extent the local inhabitants from raw freshwater fish consumption.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.60-79
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• 2012

Environment of ancient Chinese Buddhist temple can be classified to three types such as regional society(鄕村), famous mountain(名山), and urban areas(都市). This made differences in environment where a temple existed and in turn, affected development of Buddhism. And this made another type in relationship between Buddhist temple and a society. This study explains influences which regional society gave on not only Buddhist temple and a monk but also existence and development of Buddhism. When temples are placed in different environmental position, that is, urban areas and regional society, among a social structure, they eventually should adapt to a different society externally and internally. As told in above, ancient Chinese Buddhist temple was located in regional society, famous mountain, and urban areas. Since Eastern Jin and Sixteen Kingdoms, as number of temple much increased, and temples and monks were concentrated on famous mountain, temples in famous mountains and urban areas had developed showing similar aspects each other. But because temples in regional society were influenced a little differently, this study focused on the point. There are four kinds of influences between temples and monks in regional areas. Monks in regional areas had a comparatively close relationship with a society because they came from same area or surrounding areas. Therefore,powers of regional areas restrict influences made by monk group in temple. Second, temples in regional areas shared their joys and sorrows depending on regional economy. Temples in regional areas became a public place for the society and often a market place. In fact, construction and existence of a temple originally became a driving force in regional economy. This is because construction of temple needs artisans and materials and some temples had visitors and included market economy like consumption of incense and candles, though the economic size was large or small. And when regional areas experienced natural disaster or man-made disaster or had poor harvest or economy was in depression, monks left temples and then, temples themselves could not exist. Third, the relationship between temples in regional areas and Buddhists was distinguished from the temples in urban areas and famous mountains. This is because temples in China were places where monks practiced and at the same time, places where general Buddhists worshipped. So there were always a number of Buddhists around the temples. Forth, Buddhism in resional areas was connected to regional Folk beliefs. As a result, Buddhism was spread across the nation, worship with local color often was changed to Buddhist belief or was tinged with Buddhism. While temples in regional areas maintained a close relationship with regional society.they were influenced by the region or gave influences. As a representative example, temples in regional areas showed model behaviors instead of roles of facilities related to various cultures with comparatively advanced level - for example, school, hospital etc. The temples highly affected funerary rites in regional areas. Chinese tombs were mainlymade in regional areas. After death,people living in urban areas were buried in hometown or at least, they were buried in suburbs not urban areas. Temples in regional areas generally participated in funerary rites. Above shows that though most of famous Buddhist temples were located in urban areas not in famous mountains,majority of temples were located in vast regional areas. Through mutual interaction between temples and regional society, the temples in the regional areas were related to Chinese people of over 90% and regional areas became the most important foundation for Buddhism in China. Mutual influences between temples in regional areas and the general public in regions were omnidirectional and spreaded to every aspects of social life in small or large degree. Thus Tombs in temple were widely spreaded across regional areas over time and space. This is enough to explain a close relationship between Buddhist temples and rural society in ancient China.