• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.15-33
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• 2011

The late $19^{th}$ and early $20^{th}$ centuries of Korea were the times when the Confucianism (牲理學) ideology was shaken heavily under the influences of modernism and capitalism by Western and Japanese military and political-economic forces. Under such circumstances, alteration of clothing was much influenced by ideologies than changes in social structure or technological advance. In this study, an ideology was defined as "the force which drives people into a particular social order". Ideologies were postulated as an ongoing process of socialization with dialectic features rather than being a static state. Comparative analyses on conflict structures and different clothing patterns symbolizing the ideologies of the Ruling (支配) and the Opposition (對抗) were conducted. Investigating dresses as representations of ideologies is to reconsider the notion of dichotomous confrontation between the conservatives (守舊派) and the progressives (開化派) and a recognition of Koreans' passively accepting modernity during the Japanese occupation. This may also have contributed to enlightening Koreans about modernization. Here are the results. First, the theoretical review found that ideologies were represented by not only symbols of discourse, but also dresses, and that dresses embodied both physical and conceptual systems presenting differences between ideologies and their natures, Second, during the late 19th century Korea, conflict between conservatives' Hanbok (韓服) and progressives' Western suits (洋服) was found. Moderate progressives showed their identity by "Colored Clothing" (深色衣), and radical progressives by black suits with short hair (黑衣斷髮) or by western suits (洋服). The ultimate goal of both parties was a "Modern Nation". With these efforts, pale jade green coats and traditional hats symbolizing the nobleman class was eliminated within 30 years from 1880 to 1910, and then simple robes and short hair emerged. However, the powerful Japanese army had taken over the hegemony of East Asia, and Korea was sharply divided into modernization and pro-Japanese camps. Third, during the time of Japanese colonial rule, the dress codes having set by the modernization policies during the time of enlightenment were abandoned and colonial uniforms for the colonial system was meticulously introduced. During this period, Western or Japanese-style uniforms were the symbol of the ruling ideology. In the mean time, Hanbok, particularly "White Clothing (白衣)", emerged as a representation of the opposition ideology. However, due to Japan's coercive power and strong zeal for "Great orient (大東亞)", white clothing remained as a mere symbol. Meanwhile, Reformists (實力養成論者) movement toward improving quality of life followed a similar path of the Japanese policies and was eventually incorporated into the ruling ideology. Fourth, dresses as representations of ruling ideologies were enforced by organizational powers, such as organizations and laws, and binding policies, and changes in such dresses were more significant when the ruling ideologies were stronger. Clothing of the opposition ideology was expressed as an aggregation of public consciousness. During the period, the subjects of ruling ideology and the objects who were granted modernization benefits were different although their drives for colored clothing with short hair (色衣斷髮) for modernization were similar.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.142
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• pp.265-294
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• 2017

In the early days of human history, the governing groups of rulers needed to justify their rule. The cause of rule became the ruling ideology. In China, the backbone of the ruling ideology was originally referred to as 'Di(帝)' or 'Shangdi(上帝)', who was later replaced by 'Tian(天)', Heaven. So there was a claim that Heaven gave the cause of the rule. This idea is the 'Tianming (天命)' idea. When the Zhou(周) Dynasty took control of the central government, the 'Tianming' idea had had a relatively sophisticated form. It was the 'Zhouli(周禮)' that organized the systematic order of the Zhou Dynasty. After this system collapsed, those who recognized 'Zhouli' as a desirable social system considered the collapse of 'Zhouli' as a situation of turbulent age. It was Qin(秦) State that unified all of the states of the period. However, after the unification, the Qin Dynasty fell sharply. The next dynasty was the Han(漢) Dynasty. The new ruling powers of the Han Dynasty needed to justify their regime. That means that it was necessary to establish the ruling ideology of the Han Dynasty. The representative of the ruling ideology of the Han Dynasty was Dongzhongshu, whose thought was based on Confucianism. His thought was related to "Chunqiugongyangzhuan(春秋公羊傳)", an interpretation of "Chunqiu(春秋)". This interpretation perspective is based on the idea of religious Heaven. Dongzhongshu thought that there were co-communions between Heaven and humans. His thought has the meaning of political theology in which rulers hold the basis of the rulers' sovereignty.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.5 no.2 s.10
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• pp.69-95
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• 2005

Eunsa Memorial Science Museum is a political space to justify ruling colony. Japanese imperialism made use of science museum in ruling colony under the cloak of propagating science thoughts. The science museums made it natural to rule the inferior Joseon(Korea) by bring the concept of 'Great Science Empire' into relief. The exhibition, lecture, experiment and science movies propagated those colonial ruling ideology. This transplantation of the colonial science museumraised the following problems. First, the science museum was used as means for the propagation of political power. All the aspects of the architecture, exhibition, and operation of the colonial science museum propagated and supported the direction of political authority, and furthermore planted a rosy phantasm of 'Development' and 'Progression' into the colony. Second, The science technology of science museum was treated as 'Result' and 'Instrument'. Japanese imperialism denied that the science is a historical and cultural staple product; it instilled only the 'Instrumental Rationality' in the colony. Third, the science technology dealt in the colonial science museum was below the level. What they educated and set forth as domestic science was to cultivate the laborers people for the political power by internalizing modernistic discipline.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.103-139
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• 2019

This study aims to verify how trust in government leads voters' electoral participation with paying attention to their political orientations. In particular, this study takes voters' partisan consideration into account to examine different direction of the effect of trust in government on electoral participation depending on their ideology and partisan preferences. Key findings show that governmental trust has a positive influence on electoral participation for voters who have conformable ideological orientations to the incumbent government and positive preferences toward the ruling party. In contrast, distrust in government is more likely to increase the possibility of electoral participation for those who have different ideology from the incumbent, negative attitude toward the ruling party, and partisan preferences of the opposition party. Previous studies on the relationship between governmental trust and electoral participation have been mixed as yet. For the sake of explaining this inconclusiveness, this study focuses on partisan foundation of voters' political decision making. It contributes to our understanding of the political properties of governmental trust and its implications for representative democracy.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.49
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• pp.25-52
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• 2017

As the expansion of the cultural industry expands, various competitive structures are formed and the methodologies for producing commercial success are being discussed. Among them, Hollywood studios use political relationships and apply ideologies that can produce the best interests. Also, they use a structure that can convey this ideology, which is a mythology. The myth has satisfied the public for a ling time. Campbell suggested that strategies come from the myth, and the ideology emerged as a result of what mythology has to do with existing powers. Disney and Dream Works use the mythology and combine their own values into ideology. Disney and Dream Works choose conflicting ideologies in a different growth background. If Disney is recognized as an educational animation by the ruling class, Dream Works are supported by the public for their actions against Disney. Disney has conservative and patriotic personality, Dream Works is more liberal and progressive. Disney's structure came out first, and Dream Works parodied it. So we can compare Disney and Dream Works with similar myths to create a storytelling structure that embodies ideology. As a result, Disney and Dream Works have been choosing the 9 stages the key of Ideology form the 17 stages of the mythology and reduced them to the introduction, growth and completion. In the first units of the introduction, Disney dealt with the subject of social leaders who sacrificed to the ruling class and Dream Works hinted at the overthrow of the ruling class through the irony. If Disney had deployed colored races in the main characters, Dream Works used a variety of races from the main characters to others. In the second units of growth, Disney organized the process of accepting the value of the ruling class, and Dream Works showed the individual values, not the values of society. In the third units completion, Disney showed the main character who live in the world of the ruling class rebuilded, and Dream Works removed the ruling class and went back to the Individual life. Through the structure of Disney and DreamWorks, we learned how to utilize the mythical structures that transform according to ideologies. The right way to organize works will require the strategic approach to storytelling.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.4
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• pp.145-180
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• 2006

In Korea, nation and nationalism are undeniable justice, absolute virtue and moreover system of desire. From the late Chosun Dynasty when the Korean Peninsula had to survive from the critical situation of being the arena of competition, and through the colonial period under Japanese imperialism, nationalism became stronger as a logic of survival. The policy of seclusion under closed and exclusive nationalism that didn't recognize the world situation well enough, eventually gave more pain to the nation. Nationalism in colonial Korea which was as reformed nationalism and on the other hand, as intransigent, resisting nationalism. Since the purpose of this writing is not for clarifying the argument raised on Korean nationalism, there is no use mentioning how it went with the change of time. But we have to focus on the fact that the word 'nation' which appeared under the influence of popular revolution and capitalism meaning 'a group of people', was translated and understood as a racial concept for strengthening the unity of 'single-race nation with five thousand years' history. First of all, there is nationalism used to fortify the system. 'The Charter of National Education' and 'The Pledge of Allegiance' were ornaments to intensify the ruling ideology and dictatorship to militarize entire South Korea for 'settling Korean democracy' professed nationalism. Also, another ruling ideology armed with 'self-reliance' put North Korea into the state of hypnosis called nationalism. Nationalism, claiming 'nation' outwardly, but in reality, being an illuminating, instructing ideology isolating each other was indeed a body with two faces. This made 'nation' in Korea mysterious and objective through work such as. The statue commemorating patriotic forefathers' and picture of national records' in South Korea art. Nationalism used to strengthening the system encountered the magical 'single-race' and made 'ghost' being an extreme exclusion to other nations. We can find pedigreed pureness not allowing any mixed breeds from the attitude accepting western art -via Japan or directly- and making it vague by using the word Korean and Asia. There's nationalism as a resistant ideology to solidify the system on the other side. It came out as a way of survival among the Great Power and grew with the task of national liberation to became as a powerful force facing against the dictatorship dominating South Korea after the liberation. This discussion of nationalism as a resistance ideology was active in 1980s. In 1980, democracy movement against the dictatorship of 5th Republic originated from military power which came out suppressing the democratic movement in Gwangju, spread out from the intellects and the students to the labors, farmers and the civilians. It is well known that the 'Nation-People(Minjoong)'s Art Movement could come out under this social condition. Our attitude toward nationalism is still dual in this opening part of 21st century. On one hand, they are opposing to the ultra-nationalism but are not able to separate it from nationalism, and on the other, they have much confusion using it. In fact, in a single-race nation like Korea, the situation of being nationalism and jus sanguinis together can cause dual nationalism. Though nationalism is included in the globalization order, it is evidence that it's effective in Korea where there are still modern fetters like division and separation. In particular, in the world where Japan makes East Asia Coalition but exposed in front of nationalism, and China not being free from Sinocentrism, and American nationalism taking the world order, and Russia fortifying nationalism suppressing the minority race after the dissolution of socialism, Korean nationalism is at the point to find an alternative plan superior to the ruling and resisting ideology.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.265-274
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• 2010

The fengshui discourse of Sajok village in the late Joseon dynasty obtained currency as the prosperity of settlement place and public figures, was used for ideology ruling the rural community and society. The ways of the fengshui for ruling clan community were that having authority by means of symbolizing settlement location and siting main clan's symbol architectures, controlling the village community by the agreement keeping the fengshui's supplements, occupying the clan's ownership by expanding clan's tomb area.

• Journal of Industrial Technology
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• v.30 no.A
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• pp.59-68
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• 2010

This study intended to examine the changes of residential building characteristics in period classification. The results of this study are as follows: During Joseon dynasty, it is judged that the social changes in the ideology of ruling classes did not directly affect the traditional residential style. The mid period and latter period of Joseon, it is changed toward horizontal and practical residential layout in place of confucian courtesy based style. During port opening period, the traditional residential style was remodeled through addition of glass panes to inter-chamber floor in tune with the influx of modern materials and ideologies like glass or cement etc. The Japanese ruling era of Korea period, the modern housing style of room separation type was settled.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.60-77
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• 2020

An assumption can be made that, as a start point for the recognition and utilization of cultural heritage, the "choice" of such would reflect the cultural ideology of the ruling power at that time. This has finally been proved by the case of Korea in the 20th century. First, in the late Korean Empire (1901-1910), the prevailing cultural ideology had been inherited from the Joseon Dynasty. The main objects that the Joseon Dynasty tried to protect were royal tombs and archives. During this time, an investigation by the Japanese into Korean historic sites began in earnest. Stung by this, enlightened intellectuals attempted to recognize them as constituting independent cultural heritage, but these attempts failed to be institutionalized. During the 1910-1945 Japanese occupation, the Japanese led investigations to institutionalize Korean cultural heritage, which formed the beginning of the current cultural heritage management system. At that time, the historical investigation, designation, protection, and enhancement activities led by the Japanese Government-General of Korea not only rationalized their colonial occupation of Korea but also illustrated their colonial perspective. Korean nationalists processed the campaign for the love of historical remains on an enlightening level, but they had their limits in that the campaign had been based on the outcome of research planned by the Japanese. During the 1945-2000 period following liberation from Japan, cultural heritage restoration projects took places that were based on nationalist ideology. People intended to consolidate the regime's legitimacy through these projects, and the enactment of the 'Cultural Heritage Charter' in 1997 represented an ideology in itself that stretched beyond a means of promoting nationalist ideology. During the past 20 centuries, cultural heritage content changed depending on the whims of those with political power. Such choices reflected the cultural ideology that the powers at any given time held with regard to cultural heritage. In the background of this cultural heritage choice mechanism, there have been working trade-off relationships formed between terminology and society, as well as the ideological characteristics of collective memories. The ruling party has tried to implant their ideology on their subjects, and we could consider that it wanted to achieve this by being involved in collective memories related to traditional culture, so called-choice, and utilization of cultural heritage.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.131-158
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• 2008

With the intention of revealing that biological determinism is not the truth verified as scientific facts but ideology which conceals or reproduces the white male-centered social order of western capitalism, this article considered the peculiarities of human being from a perspective of cultural anthropology and examined the social contexts of biological determinism. From these studies, it found that the human is not born, but rather become, that biological determinism, from phrenology and social evolutionism to social biology and IQ determinism, emerged for the breakthrough of crisis in which a number of disclosed social contradictions drove the established ruling order into a collapse, and that it cannot but function as dominant ideology rationalizing racial, ethnic, class and gender discriminations. Hence, bioscience must overcome biological determinism in order to be the hope of both all people and all sort of life. But it is without the transformation of unequal structures that the problem of biological determinism cannot be surmountable at all.