• 건축역사연구
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• 제29권6호
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• pp.79-88
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• 2020

During the Joseon Dynasty, the rituals that were celebrated in the palaces were mainly held inside the palace and in the courtyard of the palace. Mats were spread on the floor of the place where the ritual was held. The mats spread in the Joseon Dynasty rituals divided the space in various ways, and in particular, they were spread in a certain form in the spaces of royal wedding, customs, and court banquet. Mats were the primary physical element that divided the royal ritual space of the Joseon Dynasty, and functioned to elevate the general space to the ritual space. In the ritual space, mats were spread inside the palace, and divided the courtyard of the palace into left and right in a symmetrical form to distinguish the hierarchy of the participants. Mats with special and white patterns were spread in the external ceremonial space and mats with flower and colorful patterns were spread in the internal ceremonial space. This was the subdivision of the Confucianism's male-female division through the mat. The pattern of the mat that divided the space of the royal family elders also meant longevity to reflect the filial thoughts of the Confucianism through the mat. Mats were a physical element for subdividing the royal family and the participants in the hierarchy of the space where the ritual is held, and it also performed a subdividing function between the royal participants. In other words, in the Joseon Dynasty ritual space, mats were temporarily spread while the ritual is being celebrated and functioned to elevate the space to a ritual space. It is confirmed that the fact that the mats were temporarily spread to divide the space into the hierarchies according to the status and were subdivided into colors and patterns to perform the function to reflect the subdivision of the royal family according to Confucianism and the statue of filial piety in the ritual.

• 비교문화연구
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• 제22권
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• pp.177-201
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• 2011

The Lord of Mayan society was a person who was thought to be able to understand phenomena in the universe. And also the Lord could realize these activities of heaven on Earth through ritual. But the manifested ritual function of lordship was very different depends on Classic and Postclassic period. The Classic Mayan rituals were closely related to personal dignity, specially royal blood tradition meanwhile the Postclassic Mayans focused on public function of ritual. The ritual sacrifices of blood letting from their own body, manifested in Yaxchilan Lintel 24, 25 and 17, were focused on royal family's activity, showing the dignity of royal blood. The same ritual about the birth of family successor was observed at the Structure 5C4 from Postclassic ruin of Chichen Itza. However, this scene in focus, was two representative men and the answer of ancestor, not a special person. Also at the Lintel 1 of Temple of Four Lintels it was observed names of four Lords of Chichen Itza, their relationship, their action of firing to dedicate temple instead of writing long history of great royal family. All above shows that during Postclassic period the lords preferred a public function of their lordship than to dignify some royal persons through ritual.

• 한국의류학회지
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• 제22권2호
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• pp.173-184
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• 1998

The results of this theis are as follows. As regards the chronological transformation of the royal court dancing which is characterized by the variousness and colorfulness of the old-fashioned dancing suit, in the pre-dynasty of triple alliance among Shinla, Bakjae, and Goguryeo, the traditional ritual stood on ceremony through the ceremonial dancing in support of a religional rite. But while the Shinla, Bakjae, and GoGuRyeo dynasty began to excercise the systematic royal control over people, each royal court employed the professional ritual dancers; and it encouraged them to dance on the variety of ceremony on behalf of a rite and celebration. Of course, except for that of Shinla dynasty, it is not so easy to find out the historical record for the evidence which can back up these facts. As representatives of a ritual dancing, the religional ceremony of Shinla dynasty brought about the orientation of GumGee-Mu, MooAe-Mu, Saseon-Mu, Seonyu-Ak, and Cheoyong-Mu.

• 동북아문화연구
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• 제30권
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• pp.123-143
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• 2012

in the late 14th century, korean confucian literati, sinjinsadaebe(新進士大夫), tried to reform korean society in the base of neo confucianism. after Joseon Founding, korean confucian literati modified a lot of confucian ceremonies in order to substitute buddhist ceremonies. at first, they titled confucian ceremonies as "gyu sik(regulation manuals)", "Eui mun(ceremonial manuals)", and "Eui je(ceremonial manuals)". but in the end, they titled confucian ceremonies as "Eui gwe(Ritual Protocol Manuals)". they also titled the reports on national occasions as "Eui gwe(Ritual Protocol Manuals)". among the confucian reforms, the most important reforms were auspicious ceremony. korean confucian literati tried to make perfect confucian auspicious ceremony. the first national achievement by confucian reformers was the five national rituals in annals of king sejong. and the second national achievement by confucian reformers was the five national rituals. the royal cart regulated in the five national rituals in annals of king sejong was cart decorated by ivory. but the royal cart regulated in the five national rituals was the sedan with cover. the reason of the change of royal cart were king sejo's political showmanship and diplomatic pretext toward ming(明) china. after the publishment of the five national rituals, the royal cart was represented by the sedan with cover.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제21권6호
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• pp.45-52
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• 2012

"Ohju Yeonmun Jangjeon Sango" written by Lee, Gyu-gyeng is one of the most important encyclopedias in the period of Chosun-Dynasty. There are two chapters related to architecture in this book, one is "ancestral rite governance·human"chapter, and the other is "architecture·human" chapter. Both of them are hard to understand because they are written in ancient Chinese and consist of various quotations in ambiguous way. This paper as a partial study is deal with the former. It makes difference between writter's original texts and quotations through textual research, and translates to modern Korean, and analyze information about ancient architecture in texts. The texts can divide to three sections. The first introduces three Chinese architectural theory books as "Gogonggi(考工記)", "Yeongjo Beopsik(營造法式)" and "Mokgyeng(木經)", and mentions about the prototype of the royal ancestral ritual building in "Gogonggi Toju(考工記圖注)". The second quotes "Seoyeong(書影)" to introduce "Yeongjo Beopsik". The third quotes "PaePyeon(稗編)" to introduce "Yeongjo Beopsik" and "Mokgyeng", and mentions about the counting unit of columns of the royal ancestral ritual building. Although the purpose for these quotations is not directly mentioned, but we can find it is intended to explain the architectural prototype and lay-out of the royal ancestral ritual building.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제14권1호
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• pp.57-70
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• 2005

This study is the consideration about Hwaryeong-Jeon that enshrines Joseon Dynasty 22nd king Jeongjo's portrait of a king. Suwon's Hwaryeong-Jeon that accompanied a portrait and performed ritual ceremonies had several formalities and ceremonies which are connected with rituals. therefore, we will try to examine what relation between arrangement of building and plane composition had. And through this, it is thing to observe construction special quality that Hwaryeong-Jeon has. Joseon Dynasty's young-jeon (a hall where the royal portraits are kept) is retaining each other different state according to construction age every moment. Hwaryeong-Jeon among Joseon Dynasty's a hall of royal portraits is the construction form which is equiped well and is known for keeping the form well from the foundation to now And this building is evaluated as the standard form of early part young-jeon building of 19th century. Especially, Hwaryeong-Jeon shows the typical ritual equipments late Joseon Dynasty and at the same time has all kinds of characteristics which only we can find at Hwaryeong-Jeon. Namely, Hwaryeong-Jeon is the building which brings the design concept of the hall of royal portraits to completion as the building which enshrines single portrait of a king. After all, Hwaryeong-Jeon is evaluated as the building which can pass excellent form of late Joseon Dynasty, the hall of royal portraits building just as it is. Therefore, as I study its own style, I expect Joseon Dynasty's mind that enshrined the portrait of a king elaborately to be revealed.

• 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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• 제53권1호
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

조선 개국 후 유교적 가치관으로 성장한 통치 계급에게 불교 의례는 이른바 '위험한 축제'로 인식되었다. 의례는 출생에서 죽음에 이르는 삶의 중요한 전환점에서 다음 단계로의 이행을 도왔고, 제의를 통해 공동체의 결속을 강하게 했다. 의례 공간에는 도량을 신비로운 공간으로 변화시키는 다양한 공양구와 기물이 장엄되고 범음구와 범패가 어우러졌다. 그 중에서도 불교 회화는 기층민에게 강한 효력을 지닌 시각 매체로 적극 활용되었다. 생사의 인과응보를 담은 <시왕도>의 사례에서 볼 수 있듯이 의식이 마련된 도량에 불화를 헌괘하고 이를 생생하게 설명해주는 '관청(觀聽)'에 대한 수요로 불화의 기능은 더욱 확대되었다. 천도 의례 장면을 담은 <감로도>에는 왕실과 종친의 모습이 강조되어 표현되었다. 중국의 수륙화에서 이 도상은 수륙재에 봉청(奉請)하는 존귀한 대상 중 한 그룹이었으나 16세기 <감로도>에는 왕실의 후원을 상징하며 국행 수륙재의 역사성과 전통을 입증하는 존재로 도해된다. 왕실 후원은 불교 의례에 대한 사회적 공인과 같았고, 이러한 메시지를 드러내고 싶은 흔적이 <감로도>에 남아있다. 의례에 대한 위정자(爲政者)들의 경계는 표면적으로는 군중이 참여하는 의례 공간에 승속(僧俗), 남녀, 신분의 귀천(貴賤)이 함께 어우러지기에 예의가 무너지고 풍기가 문란해질 것이라는 우려였다. 또한 일상으로부터의 일탈, 금기로 부터의 해방이라는 축제의 요소와도 밀접한 관련이 있다. 시각 매체는 특별한 힘을 지니고 있다고 인식되었기에 그 힘을 이용하고자 하는 측과 위험성을 우려하는 시선이 공존했다. 실록(實錄)의 기록에서 위험성을 강조하며 불화를 불태우고 불화를 그린 자를 잡아오도록 하는 일련의 조치나, 도성이 텅 비도록 군중들이 모여든 기록은 역설적이게도 불교 의례가 반드시 참여해야 하는 축제의 장으로 인식됐음을 반증한다. 불교 의례는 생의 순환 단계에서 유교가 대체할 수 없는 종교적 기능을 지니고 있기에 쉽게 사라질 수 없었고, 공동체를 통합하는 축제의 요소는 더욱 강화되었다. 조선 후기 <감로도>에는 17세기부터 본격화되는 사당패나 연희패가 도해되고 의례의 현장감이 생생하게 반영되었다. 불행한 죽음을 위로하던 불교 의식은 해마다 일정한 시기에 마련되어 일상의 고단함을 털고 휴식을 취할 수 있는 축제의 장으로 자리 잡았다. 유교 국가의 정책적 탄압에 '위험한 축제'로 인식되던 불교 의례가 정례적인 세시풍속이자 공동체의 축제로 수용되는 과정을 불교 회화에 재현된 시선의 변화에서 확인할 수 있다.

• 한국의류학회지
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• 제43권4호
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• pp.521-531
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• 2019

Uigwe Banchado are paintings of court events and royal ceremonies of the Joseon dynasty. The paintings record national events and ceremonial rituals performed by the Joseon royal family, such as marriages, celebrations, enthronements, processions to royal tombs, and archery ceremonies. This record provides a combination of information about the event's appearance, including preparation, procedure, people involved, reproductions worn by the participants, and the items used at that time. Through the realistic depictions painted in the Uigwe Banchado, in particular, one can grasp the scene of events at the time and reproduce the diverse attire worn by participants in the event. Based on 31 representative Uigwe Banchado, 550 knowledge nodes were written. These include 31 royal protocols, 41 attires, 136 clothes, 8 storage facilities, 120 objects, 55 people, 33 places and 83 concepts. The meaningful relationships between each node can be explored via a network graph. Digital illustrations of the 41 attires were created to aid in the understanding of Joseon dynasty royal ceremonial ritual attire.

• 복식문화연구
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• 제5권3호
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• pp.142-150
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• 1997

Korean ritual dancing was doing in a royal court when an auspicious event happen in a country, a ritual ceremony was hold or reception for an envoy came from the other country was hold. There were 53 kinds of ritual dancing in Korea. Gumgee-Mu was the one among of them. Yea-Reung(woman ritual dancer) were dancing Gumgee-Mu with a sword. For Gumgee-Mu they wore a Kaeja(快子), Haebsuyoi(挾袖衣). Above it they took a Jeandae(戰帶), Jeanlib(戰笠). The dancing suit\`s color had a harmony with well mixed. Lunar-Solar-Five-Natural(陰陽五行) of oriented traditional concept.

• 한국의류학회지
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• 제44권3호
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• pp.441-451
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• 2020

This study examined the characteristics of the royal progress and regulations on costumes in the king's excursion by a royal carriage and then investigates King Gojong's costumes in "Dongga Painting of the Korean Empire". To examine the regulations on costumes in the king's excursion by a royal carriage, there are unique costumes, 'Ikseongwan and Gangsapo' for the great memorial service for ancestors during the Korean Empire period. 'Ikseongwan and Gangsapo' are not provided in the code during the Joseon Dynasty period. Thus, it was not provided in the regulations, in the actual execution of the ritual, the king put on 'Ikseongwan and Gangsapo,' so entering the Korean Empire period, it was legislated as 'Ikseon-gwanbok' in Daehan-yejeon. There is a scene in the "Dongga Painting of the Korean Empire" in which the king pays a visit on Yeon, holding 'Gyu' in 'Ikseongwan and Gonryongpo'. However, holding 'Gyu' on Yeon in 'Ikseongwan and Gonryongpo' can be seen in King Gojong's royal procession to hold Jongmyo Chunhyangdaeje in the year of Gabo (1894). This study showed that there was a compromise for the ritual despite not being regulated by law.