• 공연문화연구
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• 제22호
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• pp.63-92
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• 2011

이 글은 서울 진오기굿의 의례형식을 중심으로 의례적 특징을 살펴보고자 하였다. 이 글은 서울 진오기굿의 의례상 특징으로 저승길의 가시적 구현, 망자와의 직접적인 의사소통, 죽은 자와 산 자를 아우르는 포괄적인 축원 등 세가지를 지적하였다. 먼저 서울 진오기굿은 굿의 의례과정을 통해 죽은 자의 저승길을 가시적으로 구현한다. 이는 유교, 불교의 죽음의례 뿐만 아니라 타 지역 무속 죽음의례와 비교했을 때도 상대적으로 두드러지는 서울 진오기 굿의 특징 가운데 하나이다. 두 번째로 서울 진오기굿에서는 무당의 신내림을 매개로 죽은 자와의 의사소통이 직접적인 대화형식으로 이뤄진다. 죽은 망자와의 직접적인 의사소통은 죽음을 현실로 받아들이고, 개개 죽음의 개별성과 특수성을 확인하는 의미를 갖는다. 세 번째로 서울 진오기굿에서 이뤄지는 축원은 죽은 자의 저승천도에 머물지 않고 살아있는 가족들의 평안까지 포괄한다. 이는 죽음이 죽은 자와 산 자에 다 관련되며, 죽음과 삶은 구분되나 분리되지 않는다는 무속의 죽음이해를 보여준다. 이 글에서 밝힌 서울 진오기굿의 의례적 특징은 유교, 불교 죽음의례와의 상대적 비교를 염두에 둔 것으로, 그것은 유교, 불교 죽음의례와의 상호관계에서 어떻게 무속 죽음의례가 한국사회에서 하나의 죽음의례로서 존재가치와 기능을 인정받아왔는가를 이해하는 단서를 제공한다.

• 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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• 제56권2호
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• pp.62-78
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• 2023

향을 피우는 행위는 불교 의례나 관습에서 유래되었으나 점차 일상의 습속(習俗)이 되어 향문화를 형성하였다. 고려는 종교나 국가적인 의례 외에도 일상 속에서 향을 폭넓게 향유하였는데, 특히 고려의 문인들은 연거분향을 통해 삶의 고아한 정취를 즐겼다. 이러한 분위기는 동아시아 향문화의 일환으로 분향방식 역시 동시기 중국과 같은 방식을 공유하였는데, 이는 고려 문인들의 문집을 통해 확인할 수 있다. 분향방식은 향로의 크기나 형태 등에 영향을 주었는데, 일상화된 분향 문화에 적합한 간소화된 소형의 향로들이 널리 사용되었다. 대표적인 소형 향로로 배(杯) 형태의 향완이 대표적이다. 향완은 종교적 용도의 금속제 거향로로 인식되어 왔지만, 송대에는 소형 향완이 도자로 활발히 제작되면서 일상에서도 널리 사용되었다. 송과 같은 향문화, 분향방식을 공유했던 고려에서도 도자 향완에 대한 수요가 점차 증가하였다. 이는 개경에서 발견된 다수의 송대 백자향완, 그와 유사한 형태로 제작된 고려의 청자향완들을 통해 확인할 수 있다. 12~13세기에 제작된 청자 향완은 고려 내부의 적극적인 수요를 충당하기 위해 제작된 것으로 이해할 수 있기 때문이다. 특히 이 시기에는 중국 백자향완과 유사한 형태의 청자향완 외에도 금속기를 모방하거나 고려청자의 기법과 문양을 적극적으로 반영한 고려만의 청자향완들이 제작되었다는 점도 주목할 만하다. 고려시대 향로는 기본적으로 각종 의례·의식의 필수품이었지만, 개인 향문화의 확산으로 아취를 위한 기호품으로도 사용되었다. 금속제 향로나 고급 청자 향로들이 주로 국가나 종교의 의례·의식에 사용되었다면, 비교적 생산이 용이한 간소화된 도자 향로는 개인적인 수요에 부응하며 향문화의 확산에 기여했던 것으로 여겨진다.

• 공연문화연구
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• 제39호
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• pp.223-277
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• 2019

명나라 궁정의 교방(敎坊)에 의해 편찬되고 공연된 잡극(雜劇) 텍스트를 중심으로, 궁정 공연의 통시적 변화 양상 및 민간과의 차별성에 주목하여 세시의례 속 '종규(鍾馗) 공연'의 특징을 면밀히 분석하였다. 중국의 민간신앙에서 '종규'는 사악한 기운을 물리치는 대표적 신령으로 간주되어, 주로 제석(除夕)이나 단오절(端午節)에 관련 의례와 공연이 거행되어 왔다. 그간 다양한 분야에서 폭넓은 연구가 수행되었음에도, 유일하게 궁정 잡극 텍스트가 남아 있는 명나라 교방에 의한 종규 공연 상황은 크게 주목받지 못하여 중국에서도 개괄적인 언급 속에서 간략히 다루어졌다. 따라서 명대 궁정교방 잡극에 드러나는 세시의례 속 종규 공연의 양상을 분석하고, 이와 차별성을 띠는 민간에서 전승되는 다양한 사례를 제시하였다. 궁정 잡극 텍스트 분석을 통해 '과거제도'와 신앙 통제를 고리로 하는 소위 교화(敎化)라 표현되는 황실 통치 이념의 구현 상황을 추출하였고, 이 잡극이 '종규 공연'을 포함한 버라이어티 한 퍼포먼스로의 특징을 띠고 있음을 밝혀내었다. 본 연구의 결과가 중국학 분야는 물론 국문학·연극학·무용학·민속학·종교학·인류학·미술학 등 연계 학문에도 긍정적 토대가 되기를 기대한다.

• 대순사상논총
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• 제22권
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• pp.387-432
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• 2014

In this paper, I want to compare the mantra of Korean Buddhism with the jumun(呪文) of Daesoonjinrihoe in rites and cultivation. Regarding the mantra of Buddhism there are some researches, but there are few studies with regard to the jumun of Daesoonjinrihoe. The mantra of Buddhism and jumun of Daesoonjinrihoe look similar in pronouncing Hangul characters, but the religious and historical context around these seems to be different. The mantra of Korean Buddhism is associated with the introduction and diffusion process of esoteric Buddhism. In the early period of Buddhism some mantras were allowed by Buddha and the mantras were certified as a educational teaching in the period of Early Buddhist schools. In Mahayana school, the dharani that was abstracted from the vast Mahayana scriptures was developed. As Mahayana Buddhism develops, esoteric Buddhism was born in India. Esoteric Buddhism was introduced into China and was imported into Korea in Silla dynasty. In Koryo dynasty various rituals of esoteric Buddhism flourished and Jineunjong(眞言宗) and Chongjijong(總持宗) school were formed. In Chosun dynasty Buddhism was suppressed by government and the esoteric school was discontinued. But in rituals and cultivation the mantra and dharani were flourished in the latter part of Chosun dynasty. In modern period several esoteric schools were formed and developed. In present context the mantra was recited by many people in Korea. Main mantras are 'Om mani padme hum', 'Dharani of Avalokitesvara(神妙章句大陀羅尼)', 'neungumju(楞嚴呪)', 'Gwangmyung mantra(光明眞言) etc. The jumun of Daesoonjinrihoe was started by Kang Jeungsan(姜甑山) who was believed to be a God by Daesoonjinrihoe believers. Jeungsan used several existed mantras in creating new heaven and earth and made new jumuns by himself and taught them to his followers. Cho Jungsan(趙鼎山) who succeeded to the doctrines has received the jumuns by Jeungsan. He selected the jumuns to recite and determined the method how to spell these. Park Hankyung(朴漢慶) who opened Daesoonjinrihoe succeeded the rituals and doctrines. Every day ritual of Daesoonjinrihoe is chanting the jumun and the cultivation and gongbu(工夫) is practiced through jumun. Important jumuns of Daesoonjinrihoe are Taeulju(太乙呪) and Kidoju(祈禱呪). In the aspects of ritual, the mantra of Buddhism and the jumun of Daesoonjinrihoe perform a similar function. The mantra of Buddhism has the context of the doctrines of Buddhism and the method of Buddhistic practicing but the jumun of Daesoonjinrihoe is related to Jeungsan's teaching and the doctrines of Daesoonjinrihoe. But it is same that the mantra and jumun are used in communicating or uniting with ultimate reality. So the mantra and jumun are important vehicles for homo religius to meet the sacred and unite with the sacred and is regarded as the sacred word by the faithful which has a lot of symbols and meanings.

• 한국식생활문화학회지
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• 제5권1호
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• pp.101-106
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• 1990

The findings of the historical study of the proprieties of Korean traditional tea ritual, based on documents, are as follows. 1. The proprieties of tea ritual for the Imperial Sanctuary and the Buddhist proprieties of tea ritual for Buddha was celebrated during the Silla dynasty. 2. The proprieties of tea ritual during the Koryo dynasty developed in various types, such as the propreieties of tea ritual for the Imperial government, Buddha, Confucians.

• Journal of Hospice and Palliative Care
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.1-5
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• 1998

Grief is the ordinarily self-limited complex of symptoms and processes that constitute the acute reaction to a significant loss. And it is the reaction of the dying as well as the bereaved. Every culture has had its own ways of grief and mourning. The definition of healthy grief and mourning, in terms of both emotional expression and the length of time it should continue, mostly depend upon the type of culture as well as the type of religion. So the manner of grief and mourning greatly differs from culture to culture. In the most of the Asian countries, influenced by Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism, death is traditionally considered the most significant life cycle transition. In Chinese culture, many rituals have evolved to help family members deal with their loss, over the past five thousand years. Confucianism taught the virtues of filial piety and righteousness. These rules and many customs added since the time of Cofucius, have been loyally followed and practiced by many Asian people. However, Buddhists have different ideas. They believe in karma and reincarnation and in predetermination of one's present life by good or bad deeds in the present life and past lives. Display of uncontrollable emotion is not encouraged. Continuity of family relations after death is very important. The ancient practice of the ancestor worship is still followed in many Asian households. Many Buddhist do not practice ancestor worship; family members honor the deceased by placing a memorial plate in the temple for continued chanting purposes. The mourning rituals have been dramatically curtailed in the past 50 years. For example, political, social and economic forces have shaped the current mourning practices of Chinese in different countries. There are many clinical implications in helping Asian to deal better with the emotional strains of the experience of loss. The therapiest must respect the cultural framework through which the client perceives family losses.

• 가정과삶의질연구
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• 제27권3호
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• pp.145-158
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• 2009

The purpose of this study was to investigate the effects of socio-demographic variables, family emotional environment and maternal discipline style on school children's emotional regulation. Subjects of this study consisted 953 elementary school students drawn from 4 elementary schools in Cheong-ju city and Cheongwon-gun. Data were analyzed by the methods frequency, percentage, Cronbach's ${\alpha}$, factor analysis, Pearson's correlation, and hierarchical regression using SPSSWIN 12.0 program. The results of this study were as follows: First, girls used greater problem-focused coping than boys did. Children in sixth grade used more problem-focused coping regulation compared to those in fourth grade. When children perceived higher level of family communication, emotional support, participation of family rituals, family worries, and parental conflict, they were more likely to use problem-focused coping. Additionally, both maternal supportive discipline and behavioral controlling discipline styles increased children's problem-focused coping. Second, girls presented greater emotional venting than boys did. Children in sixth grade expressed higher level of emotional venting compared to those in fourth grade. While family communication, family worries, and parental conflict increased children's emotional venting, family emotional support and participation of family rituals decreased it. Only mothers' psychological controlling discipline positively predicted children's emotional venting. Third, girls presented higher level of children's aggressive expression than boys did. The lower level of family support increased children's aggressive expression. Higher level of family worries and parental conflict increased it as well. Also, children's aggressive expression was positively predicted by mothers' psychological controlling discipline. Fourth, girls presented greater avoidance than boys did. Children in sixth grade expressed higher level of emotional avoidance compared to those in fourth grade. In family emotional environment, while family support lowered children's emotional avoidance, family worries and parental conflict increased it. Moreover, mothers' psychological and behavioral controlling discipline styles positively explained children's emotional avoidance. In conclusion, family emotional environment was the strongest factor to predict school children's emotional regulation among other variables.

• 한국지역지리학회지
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• 제16권3호
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• pp.224-248
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• 2010

본 연구는 정치생태학(political ecology)의 개념적 틀을 이용하여 고성부사로 재직한 오횡묵이 기록한 "고성총쇄록"의 국역본을 분석하였다. 연구는 오횡묵이 날씨, 농사, 주민의 삶, 지방행정의 상호 관계를 어떻게 인식하고 기록했는지를 파악하는데 초점을 두었다. 연구 결과는 크게 네 가지로 요약될 수 있다. 첫째, 날씨는 크게 세 가지의 표현 방식, 단순 변동 농사 관련 방식으로 기록되었다. 날씨의 변동은 그 자체보다 백성의 삶과 사회 경제 정치와 연관시킬 때 보다 큰 의미와 중요성이 부각되었다. 둘째, 날씨와 중앙 지방의 정책은 특정한 조건, 즉 가뭄이 심할 경우에 충돌하여 사회 정치에 부정적 영향을 주었다. 셋째, 민요(民擾)를 일으킨 백성들의 행동은 일정한 제약 조건하에서 이루어졌다. 이러한 제한적 행위자의 모습은 오횡묵 부사의 공무집행, 즉 진휼, 기우제, 세금 징수 등에서도 잘 나타나고 있다. 넷째, 고성 지방의 날씨, 농사와 주민의 삶, 행정 간의 상호 관계는 개별 가구, 고을, 지방, 도, 국가의 중층적 규모 측면에서 이해되어야 한다.

• Human Ecology Research
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• 제52권1호
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• pp.75-85
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• 2014

Family life culture embodies the ways of thinking and behaving among family members in everyday lives. With a noticeable growth of multicultural families since 2000, there has been an inflow of other culture into the existing Korean family life culture. This new phenomenon signals a potential transformation of the family life culture in Korean society. To forecast such changes, we compared the family life culture of Korean-Vietnamese multicultural families (as reported by 104 Korean husbands and their Vietnamese wives) with that of mainstream Korean families (as reported by 108 Korean married men and 92 Korean married women) by comparing family ritual practices and family values. We also sought to identify whether two cultures in Korean-Vietnamese multicultural families harmoniously coexist or clash by examining differences within couples. Results showed that Korean married men and Korean husbands of Vietnamese women were very similar in terms of family ritual practices and family values. Differences emerged between Korean husbands and their Vietnamese wives. Specifically, Korean husbands endorsed more traditional gender role beliefs while their family values were less patriarchal compared to their wives. Results suggest that more flexible gender role beliefs reported by Vietnamese wives may be a source of conflict in Korean-Vietnamese multicultural families. At the same time, it may be a driving force of change in their existing family life culture. It will be worthwhile to pay attention in future research to whether and how patriarchal values and flexible gender role beliefs would continue to coexist or modify each other.

• 가족자원경영과 정책
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• 제10권1호
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• pp.17-32
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• 2006

This essay has attempted to document the actual behavior patterns and the social networks related to the child delivery in the pre-industrial Korean society. We interviewed 30 women who had given birth to their first child during the 1930s and the 1940s in order to accumulate data related to son-prayer rites, prenatal care and food avoidance, sacred-string culture, and other incantation rituals. The characteristics of the social relationships with the person who had assisted the delivery and the recovery were also analyzed in terms of kinship networks. The results are as follows. First, there was a big gap between knowledge and the actual practices in birth rituals and customs. We assume that this is due to the adverse social-economic conditions at that time which may have restricted the actual performances of these customs. Second, there were almost no differences of the performance of these' birth customs between the urban areas and the rural areas. Third, the people who assisted the delivery were women who were mostly from the husband's family. Help from the wife's family were quite exceptional. Finally, it has been found out that only about half of the women who were interviewed performed the well-known custom of three-week after-birth confinement.