• Title/Summary/Keyword: Rituals

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The Mask-Dance Performances in the Shaman Rituals: and (굿 속의 탈놀이:<영산 할아?.할?굿>과 <탈굿>)

  • Lee, Meewon
    • Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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    • no.40
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    • pp.5-27
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    • 2010
  • The Korean Mask-Dance Theatre has been developed closely related to Korean Shaman rituals. As many scholars noticed, the performers of the Mask-Dance Theatre were closely related to the Shaman family. In addition, there are mask-dance performances in actual shaman rituals. and are the representative performances among them. This essay intends to compare these two mask-dance performances in the shaman rituals to the similar performance of Old Grandpa and Grandma episode in the regional Mask-Dance Theatre. This study would bring us further in proving the close relation between the shaman ritual and the Mask-Dance Theatre. is one episode, Keori, in the shaman ritual of 'Baeyeonsin-kut' and 'Taedong-kut' in the mid-west seashore area. 'Taedong-kut' is the village shaman ritual for fertility and prosperity, while 'Baeyeonsin-kut' is a private shaman ritual for a large catch of the ship. is held in the later part of the whole shaman ritual since the later part tend to be more for entertainment than actual ritual. The story of is very similar that of in Pongsan Mask-Dance Theatre of the mid-west region. In addition, some of their dialogues are very similar. Only the later part is different. These similarities indicate that the Mask-Dance Theatre, which came into being in later period than the shaman ritual, has likely taken the story motif of the shaman ritual. is also a performance in the shaman ritual of east coasts. is more elaborate and recreational than of the west coasts. is also performed near the end of the ritual, and sometimes it is not performed at all. This indicates that has little ritual meaning left. When we compare it with the regional Mask-Dance Theatres such as Keosung Okwangdae, Tongyong Okwangdae, and Suyong Yaryu, the structure and the story lines are also very similar. It is a question why only the motif of the Grandpa and Grandma isfound both in the shaman ritual and the Mask-Dance Theatre. Many other motifs of other episodes in the Mask-Dance Theatre are not found in the shaman rituals. It seems that the Grandpa and Grandma motif is related to the ur-belief in fertility. In other words, this motif seems to be originated from the old belief in the fertility couple of Chonha Taechanggun and Jiha Yeochanggun. The shaman ritual for fertility first picked up this motif, and then the mask-dance theatre also adapted this motif for its recreational purpose. When we compare with , still has more aspects of fertility ritual, while lost its ritualistic meaning and its main purpose is to develop dramatic needs. and are invaluable existent performances to prove theatre's origin in ritual. The existence of mask-dance performances in the shaman rituals shows us the transit performance between theatre and ritual.

A Study on the Costume of Lama Ritual Dance

  • Kim, Hye-Young;Kim, Mun-Young;Cho, Woo-Hyun
    • Proceedings of the Korea Society of Costume Conference
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    • 2003.10a
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    • pp.33-33
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    • 2003
  • Lamaism is a Mahayana with strong shaman characteristics in Tibet and Mongolia. It was established through settlement of Esoteric Buddhism, based on Indian Buddhism, transferred to Tibet, mixed with a traditional Tibetan religion Bon which emphasizes shamanism, conducts Tantric and shaman rituals. One of the rituals, Tsam, is a dance drama for protection of Buddhism and enlightenment of the followers in which the monks perform in mask.

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A Historical Studies on the Korean Tea Rituals - Part II Chosun Dynasty - (한국(韓國) 차례(茶禮)의 사적(史的) 고찰(考察) - 제 2보 조선시대 -)

  • Son, Min-Young
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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    • v.5 no.1
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    • pp.107-111
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    • 1990
  • During the Chosun dynasty there were royal proprieties of tea ritual mainly for the purpose of serving envoys from neighboring countries and offering of a new product to the Deity. There were Buddhist proprieties of tea ritual representing religious ideals of each sect of Buddhism. And Confucian tea rituals were performed in accordance with the book entitled Kare (a family code of decorum) written by Chuja. Besides these there, were Taoist proprieties of the ritual.

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A Study on the Ritual Foods according to Various Sacrificial Rituals in the Hyangkyo and the Seowon (향교(鄕校)와 서원(書院)의 제례(祭禮)에 따른 제수(祭需)에 관한 연구)

  • Yoon, Suk-Kyung
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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    • v.13 no.4
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    • pp.241-260
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    • 1998
  • 1. Both the festival held in Confucian temple to honor Confucius or a religious ceremony in Korean traditional lecture-hall are the sacrificial rituals which is the mark of the respect for prescholars and these rituals has been followed the rules written in the book,'Yaegi' 2. For the Food formal display for the festival in Confusian temple of Chinese Gukjagam, Pebak(clothes), Mohyul(hair and blood), and the ritual food dishes, such as Byun 10, Doo 10, Gang 3 (Deung 1, Hyung 2), Bo 2, Cue 2, Jo 3 (Taeraeu as beef dish 1, Soraeu as sheep and pork dishes 2), Joo(alcohol) 3 were displayed, while in Juhyunhak, Byun 8, Doo 8 were displayed. In Taesangji edited around in 1873 in Korea, for the Confucian shrine Pebak, Mohyul, Byun 10, Doo 10, Deung 3, Hyung 3, Bo 2, Cue 2, Jo 6 (raw 3, cooked 3), Joo 3 were displayed. In pedantry Confucian temple, Pebak, Byun 8, Doo 8, Bo 2, Cue 2, Jo 2 (raw sheep and pork), Joo 3 were displayed while Mohyul was omitted, which this type of display was almost identical through the nationwide survery for the Confucian food display. Some of the Confucian food display, most of the display for Bo and Cue have been changed to Bo 1 and Cue 1, and one fifth of the Confucian display for Byun and Doo also has been changed in the numbers and food varieties. 3. In most of the sacrificial ritual food display in the Korean traditional lecture-hall, Pebak (some not applicable), Byun 4, Doo 4, Bo 1, Cue 1, Jo 1 (raw), Joo 1 were displayed. In these days, the number of the Confucian temple where the sacrificial rituals is not held, has been increased. 4. For the names of food for the Byun and Doo dishes, mostly the old names are used, however, minor changes in materials and cooking method have been found.

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A Study on Students' Recognitions of the Manners of Offering Congratulation or Condolence in Social Life and their Requirements for Education on Such Manners - Based on Four-Year Universities in Seoul - (사회생활의 경조사예절에 대한 대학생의 인식 및 교육 요구연구 - 서울시내 4년제 대학을 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Eun-Kyum;Choi, Bae-Young
    • Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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    • v.12 no.2
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    • pp.153-171
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    • 2008
  • This study examined university students' view on the importance of attending rituals of congratulation or condolence in social life, and the extent to which they recognized the manners of offering congratulation or condolence. It also looked into the plans and content of education on such manners required by the students. The study aimed at seeking a direction for education on the manners of offering congratulation or condolence in order to help the students acquire an appropriate conception of offering congratulation or condolence and contribute to firmly establishing a sound culture of conveying congratulation or condolence. The following results were obtained in the study. 1. One a five-point scale, university students' recognitions of the importance of attending rituals of congratulation or condolence were revealed as follows: attending condolence rituals(4.55) > attending wedding ceremonies(4.30) > visiting sick acquaintances(4.03) > attending birthday parties (3.50) > attending openings(3.47) > attending promotion or retirement parties(3.42). 2. One a five-point scale, university students' recognitions of the manners of offering congratulation or condolence in social life were as follows: the manners of attending condolence rituals(4.20) > the manners of attending wedding ceremonies(4.06) > the manners of attending promotion or retirement parties(3.9) > the manners of attending openings(3.80) > the manners of attending birthday parties(3.69) > the manners of visiting sick acquaintances(3.44). 3. One a five-point scale, university students' requirements for the content of education on the manners of conveying congratulation and condolence were as follows: education on the manners of attending condolence rituals(4.08) > education on the manners of visiting sick acquaintances(3.35) > education on the manners of attending wedding ceremonies(3.27) > education on the manners of attending promotion and retirement parties(2.96) > education on the manners of attending birthday parties(2.91) > education on the manners of attending openings(2.91). 4. One a five-point scale, university students' requirements for the plan for education on the manners of conveying congratulation and condolence were as follows: 'The education content should be applicable in real life'(4.42) > 'The education content should be easily understandable' (4.23) > 'Information or materials related to the education content should be easily accessible'(4.01) > 'The theory and actual practice of education should be taught in parallel' (3.96) > 'Education related materials should be utilized'(3.92) > 'Students' demands should be reflected when structuring the content of education'(3.91). 5. The study examined the relationship among university students' recognitions of the importance of attending rituals of congratulation or condolence, their recognitions of the manners of offering congratulation or condolence, and their demands regarding such manners. According to the results, a static relationship was found in all sub-areas, indicating students show higher recognition of practicing manners of conveying congratulation or condolence as they have higher recognition of attending rituals of congratulation or condolence in social life. In addition, higher recognition of practicing manners of conveying congratulation or condolence made them demand more for the necessity of plan and content of education on the manners of offering congratulation or condolence in university.

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The Joseon Confucian Ruling Class's Records and Visual Media of Suryukjae (Water and Land Ceremony) during the Fifteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (조선 15~17세기 수륙재(水陸齋)에 대한 유신(儒臣)의 기록과 시각 매체)

  • Jeong, Myounghee
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.53 no.1
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    • pp.184-203
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    • 2020
  • The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.

A study of Trend and Issue on Yulgok School's Lixue in the first half of 17c - Centering around Uiremunhae and Uiremunhaesuk (17세기 전반 율곡학파(栗谷學派) 예학(禮學)의 쟁점(爭點)과 경향(傾向) 연구 - 『의례문해(疑禮問解)』·『의례문해속(疑禮問解續)』 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Hyunsoo
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.41
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    • pp.155-184
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    • 2014
  • This Paper is research for Yulgok School(栗谷學派)'s lixue(禮學) in the first half of 17c centering around Uiremunhae(疑禮問解) and Uiremunhaesuk(疑禮問解續). Uiremunhae and Uiremunhaesuk are a book between Kim Jangsaeng(金長生) Kim Jip(金集) and his follower's questions & answers about li. A book or letter of questions & answers about li is useful for comprehension of lixue's opinion, especially questions & answers about controversial li shows their critical mind and a foundation of cognition for li. Thus I make showing then situation of Kim Jangsaeng and his follower in relates to understanding and performing Zhuxi's family rituals on analyzing questions & answers about controversial li. Kim Jangsaeng Kim Jip and his follower's characteristic of lixue are several on analyzing Uiremunhae. First, Kim Jangsaeng and his follower researched for Zhuxi's family rituals with systematic approach and in-depth research, and detailed in reference to the Classic of li, Zhuxi, Zheongyi(程?), Zangzai(張載)'s thoery of li and chinese lixue data, and Lee Hwang(李滉), Lee Yi(李珥), Song Yikpil(宋翼弼), Jeong Goo(鄭逑)'s thoery of li and korean lixue data. Next, on questions & answers about controversial li, Kim and his follower basically maintained following Zhuxi's family rituals. Zonfa, sacrificial rituals and funeral rituals are all such that, and if there happened omission and contradiction in Zhuxi's family rituals, they refered to Zhuxi's theory of li on the collected works of Zhuxi and the analects of Zhuxi and searched righteous li by historial invesigation. Then, Kim and his follower critically were in succession to Lee Yi and Song Yikpil's thoery of li. finally, They also had to considered then situation on li(Zhuxi's family rituals' li and ancient li)'s operation and actualizatin on considering principle and mind of li.

A Study on the Relation between King Hyeonjong's Diseases and the Controversy about the Confucian Funerary Rituals (조선 현종의 질병과 예송논쟁의 관계에 대한 연구)

  • Lee, Sang-Won;Cha, Wung-Seok
    • The Journal of Korean Medical History
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    • v.24 no.1
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    • pp.17-30
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    • 2011
  • King Hyeonjong, the 18th king of the Chosun Dynasty, reigned for 15 years. During his reign, he underwent a political incident named the Controversy about the Confucian Funerary Rituals. This incident was carried out 2 times: 1 time during early days of his reign and 1 time during later days. Although it started out as a trivial dispute over the period Queen Dowager Ja-eui(stepmother of King Hyojong, Hyeonjong's father) had to wear a mourning dress, it advanced to a political incident concerning the acknowledgement of King Hyeonjong's legitimacy and political pride of the king and the vassals. Although existing researches focus on the historical context of this incident, this study focuses on the relationship between this incident and King Hyeonjong's disorders. During the First Controversy about the Confucian Funerary Rituals, King Hyeonjong was treated for various symptoms concerning hypochondria. During the Second Controversy, he suffered from septicemia as well as diabetic complications. This study is based on the texts of "The Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of Chosun Dynasty".

A Study on the Changes of the Five-Class Mourning Costume-System in the Koryo Dynasty and the Early Years of the Chosun Dynasty (고려시대와 조선초기 오복제도 변화에 관한 연구)

  • Chon, Hea-Sook;Kwon, Lee-Soon
    • Fashion & Textile Research Journal
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    • v.6 no.2
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    • pp.144-152
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    • 2004
  • In this study, the settlement of this etiquette book and the five-class mourning-costume system throughout two dynasties is examined and analyzed.; According to the Chosun dynasty's efforts to practice Chu-Ja-Ga-Rye(朱子家禮, Chu Hsi's Book of Family Rituals) through legal intensification and enlightenment policies, the book's teachings had a general effect on society at large. As a result, the family system and funeral rites turned Confucian from a Shaman-Buddhist mixture. As the Confucian order was strengthened to highlight the authority of the male family head, the funeral rituals were based on Chu Hsi's Book of Family Rituals. So, the 100-day funeral of Koryo turned into the 3-year funeral in the Chosun dynasty. Also, the main and father's lines were valued, while the mother's and wife's lines were neglected. Even though there was no great difference of status or place between males and females in the Koryo dynasty, the settlement of Chu-Ja-Ga-Rye brought about the drop of women's status as they gradually began to be dependent on men.

A study on medicine-related royal rituals: Focusing on Takji-oryego (조선 후기 의약(醫藥) 관련 왕실(王室) 의례(儀禮) 연구 - 『탁지오례고(度支五禮考)』를 중심으로)

  • Hun-Pyeong Park
    • The Journal of Korean Medical History
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    • v.34 no.1
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    • pp.23-29
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    • 2021
  • Takji-oryego (A Review of the Five manners related to the Ministry of Finance) is a book organized by Hojo (Joseon's Ministry of Finance) and the cost and details of royal events held according to five manners. This book contained a lot of information on medicine-related rituals in the late Joseon Dynasty. Thus, it was found that the royal rituals related to medicine include not only childbirth and fertility, but also Heuljeon and Sangjeon. Through this study, the following facts were newly discovered: 1) The time of transcription was between October 1840 and October 1841. 2) Huljeon (Privilege given to save) is also related to the rise of the status of medical officials after King Sukjong. 3) According to Heuljeon, medical bureaucrats in the late Joseon Dynasty had a higher position than other technical officials. 4) The contents of reward were complementary to the existing literature. The date of death of a medical official, which was unknown in previous studies, is documented. In a case like Sansilcheong, there are contents that are unknown through other sources.