• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.209-223
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• 2019

The Iron Seated Buddha sculpture in the National Museum of Korea had long sat unregistered in storage at the museum. However, a new accession number "bon9976" has recently been assigned to it. This sculpture was excavated from the neighborhood of Heungnyongsa Temple in Baekun-ri, Yidong-myeon, Pocheon-gun, Gyeonggi-do Province together with another Iron Seated Buddha sculpture(bon9975) called "Iron Buddha from Pocheon." A comparison and examination of Gelatin Dry Plate and official documents from the Joseon Government-General Museum during the Japanese occupation period have revealed that these two Iron Buddha sculptures were transferred to the Museum of the Government-General of Korea on December 17, 1925. The Iron Seated Buddha sculpture(bon9976) has a height of 105 centimeters, width at the shoulders of 57 centimeters, and width at the knee of 77 centimeters. The Buddha is wearing a robe with rippling drapery folds and the right shoulder exposed. He is seated in the position called gilsangjwa(the seat of good fortune) in which the left foot is placed over the right thigh. The features of the Buddha's oval face are prominently sculpted. The voluminous cheeks, eye sockets in a large oval shape, slanted eyes, short nose, and plump lips can also be found in other ninth-century Iron Seated Buddha sculptures at Silsangsa Temple in Namwon, Jeollanam-do Province, Hancheonsa Temple in Yecheon, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, and Samhwasa Temple in Donghae-si, Gangwon-do Province. Moreover, its crossed legs, robe exposing the right shoulder, and rippling drapery folds suggest that this sculpture might have been modeled after the main Buddha sculpture of the Seokguram Grotto from the eighth century. The identity of this Iron Seated Buddha can be determined using the Gelatin Dry Plate(M442-2, M442-7). In them, the Buddha has its right palm facing upwards and holds a medicine jar on its left palm. Until now, the Iron Seated Bhaiṣajyagura(Medicine) Buddha(bon1970) excavated from Wonju has been considered the sole example of an iron Medicine Buddha sculpture. However, this newly registered Iron Seated Buddha turns out to be a Medicine Buddha holding a medicine jar. Furthermore, it serves as valuable material since traces of gilding and lacquering clearly remain on its surface. This Iron Seated Buddha sculpture (bon9976) is presumed to have been produced around the ninth century under the influence of Esoteric Buddhism by the Monk Doseon(827~898), a disciple of the Monk Hyecheol, to protect the temple and help the country overcome geographical shortcomings. According to the records stored at Naewonsa Temple(later Heungnyongsa Temple), Doseon selected three significant sites, including Baegunsan Mountain, built "protector" temples, created the Bhaisajyagura Buddha triad, and enshrined them at the temples. Moreover, the inscription on the stele on the restoration of Seonamsa Temple states that Doseon constructed temples and produced iron Buddha sculptures to help the country surmount certain geographical shortcomings. Heungnyongsa Temple is located in Dopyeong-ri, Yidong-myeon, Pocheon-si, Gyeonggi-do Province. This region appears to have been related to rituals directed to the Medicine Buddha since Yaksa Temple(literally, "the temple of medicine") was built here during the Goryeo Dynasty, and the Yaksa Temple site with its three-story stone pagoda and Yaksadong Valley still exist in Dopyeong-ri.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.54
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• pp.319-348
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• 2014

This paper examines the centered on the Ritualized of Royal archery as a national event led to the demonstration of military rites was settled during the early Chosun Dynasty. And aims at considering of traditional of archery a Royal family and high position military people's. It was maintained as an system for both stability of royal family and centralization of government authority. As we know, since ancient times, the performance number of shooting arrows had been reduced in the early Chosun Dynasty. And one more reason is, traditionally Royal family liked shooting archery. For example, King Taejong was very openly shooting archery to inside palace and outside field. He says the archery is a principal element of military persons. Anyhow, to the King Jungjong, many Kings played shooting archery. However, at that time, the Royal archery came from ancient Korea and Kingdom of Koryo. In this historical background, Military rites will be established not just from ancient China. It specially called five manner of rituals. However, the rule of Confucianism to be Government police, archery ritual was declined. It's involved Curriculum of education. And this is related to the who got the new group of government authority. They are young confucianist. From there, the Confucianism manners, were to change of traditional of archery in Early Chosun Dynasty.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.9-44
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• 2017

Seonsaengan(先生案) is the predecessor's lists. The list includes the names of the predecessor, the date of the appointment, the date of return, the previous job, and the next job. Therefore, previous studies on the local recruitment and Jungin (中人) that can not be found in general personnel information of the Joseon dynasty were conducted. However, the status and classification of the list has not been achieved yet. So this study aims to clarify the status, classification and data characteristics of the list. 176 books, are the Joseon dynasty lists of predecessors, remain to this day. These lists are in Jangseogak(47 cases), Kyujanggak(80 cases), the National Library of Korea(24 cases) and other collections(25 cases). Jangseogak has lists of royal government officials, Kyujanggak has lists of central government officials, and the National Library of Korea and other collections have lists of local government officials. However, this paper focuses on accessible Jangseogak list of 47 cases. As I mentioned earlier, the Jangsaegak lists are generally related to the royal government officails. This classification includes 18 central government officials, 5 local government officials, and 24 royal government officails. If the list is classified as contents, it can be classified into six rituals and diplomatic officials, 12 royal government officials, 5 local government officials, 14 royal tombs officials, and 10 royal education officials. Through the information on the list, the following six characteristics can be summarized. First, it can be finded the basic personal information about the recorded person. Second, the period of office and reasons for leaving the office and office can be known. Third, changes in the office system can be confirmed. Fourth, it can be looked at one aspect of the personnel administration system of the Joseon Dynasty through the previous workplace and the next job. Fifth, it is possible to know days that are particularly important for each government. Sixth, the contents of work evaluation can be confirmed. This is the reality of the Joseon Dynasty, which is different from the contents recorded in the Code. Through this, it is possible to look at the personnel administration system of the Joseon Dynasty. However, in order to carry out a precise review, it is necessary to make a database for 176 lists. In addition, if data is analyzed in connection with existing genealogy data, it will be possible to establish a basis for understanding the personnel administration system of the Joseon Dynasty.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.563-592
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• 2017

This paper is to examine philosophy of Jurye(周禮, national rituals) described on GyeongJeMunGam and GyeongJeMunGamByeolJip. As it is widely known, Sambong Jeong Do-Jeon (三峯 鄭道傳), regardless of evaluation by posterity, is definitely a figure who established 500 years of Joseon with almost everything handled by his own hands from presenting founding principle of Joseon to organizing the bureaucratic system. In the third year of King Taejo (1394) with Jurye as an ideological model for social innovation, Jeong Do-Jeon wrote Joseongyeonggukjeon and offered it to the king. Joseongyeonggukjeon is a sort of guide for new codes written by Jeong Do-Jeon as a part of defining culture and institutions of the new dynasty, which is based on Confucianism, the ruling idea of the new dynasty. GyeongJeMunGam supplements the section ChiJeon(治典: Articles for Governing) of JoSeonGyeongGukJeon(the first constitution of Joseon Dynasty) mainly to specify the duties and jobs of the prime minister; and also the duties and jobs of the highest secretaries of the kings, and provincial and county governors, whereas GyeongJeMunGamByeolJip consists of the section GunDo specifying the duties and jobs of the kings and the section Euiron additionally explaining about the kings' duties and jobs in the viewpoint of the philosophy of the Book of Change. That is, GyeongJeMunGam finely describes not only the changes, advantages and disadvantages of prime minister system of every dynasty of China and Korea but also the prime minister's duties/jobs and attitude for kings; and it also specifies the duties and jobs of the kings' highest secretaries, guards, provincial and county governors; on the other hand, GyeongJeMunGamByeolJip says that the king should play the symbolic figure setting their mind in right ways and train themselves with virtue through the idea of GunJuSuShin (君主修身: ) to point out a good and capable prime minister and make him govern the country without using their power fully.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.55
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• pp.265-291
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• 2014

Cheongeumrok is the journal of Gwonwoo(卷宇) Hong Chan-yu(1915-2005) during the period of January 9, 1969~January 14, 1982. He was personally involved in the foundation of a corporation called Yudohoi and also all of its operation, which makes him the most knowledgeable person about its history. His Cheongeumrok thus seems worthy enough as a proper material to arrange its history. Cheongeumrok consists of total 19 books, amounting to approximately 3,300 pieces of squared manuscript paper containing 200 letters per piece. He wrote it in Chinese and sometimes followed the Hangul-style word order while writing in Chinese. Many parts of the manuscript were written in a cursive hand with many Chinese poems embedded throughout it. The manuscript offers major information related to the corporation Yudohoi extracted from his journal. 1. There was a meeting of promoters to commemorate the foundation of the corporation in November, 1968, and it was in January, 1969 that it was established after getting a permit from the Ministry of Culture and Communication in January, 1969(Permit No. of Ministry of Culture and Communication: Da(다)-2-3(Jongmu(宗務)1732.5)). 2. Its office was moved from the original location of the 3rd floor of Wonnam Building, 133-1 Wonnam-dong, Jongro-gu, Seoul(currently Daekhak Pharmacy in front of Seoul National University Hospital) to Room 388 of Gwangjang Company, 4 Yeji-dong, Jongro-gu(office of Heungsan Social Gathering) and to second floor of KyungBo building, 21 Kyansu-dong, and to 3rd floor of Geongguk Building in Gyeongwoon-dong. 3. Its operational costs were covered by the supports of Seong Sang-yeong, the eldest son of Seong Jong-ho, the chairman of the board, later Kim Won-tae and Gwon Tae-hun, next chairmen of the board, and Hong Chan-yun, a director, since 1979. 4. His Confucian activities include participating in Seonggyungwan Seokjeonje (成均館 釋奠), joining in the erection of the Parijangseo(巴里長書) Monument and the publication of its commemorative poetry book, compiling the biographies(not completed) of Confucian patriotic martyrs for independence, and participating in the establishment of family rituals and regulations as a practice member. 5. His Yudohoi had a dispute with Seonggyungwan and lost a suit at the High Court in July, 1975 and Supreme Court in February, 1976. 6. There were discussions about its unification with Seonggyungwan Yudohoi, but there was hardly any progress. 7. Yudohoi started to provide full-scale courses on Confucian and Chinese classics under the leadership of Director Hong Chan-yu in 1979, and they have continued on today. Its courses for scholarship students including those for common citizens boast a history of 29 years and 220 graduates.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.62
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• pp.231-262
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• 2016

The Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) of Zhou dynasty was a king's main building where a diversity of rituals were held, such as 'the assembly ceremony between a king and vassals in the morning', and was also called as Taechim(太寢) Nochim(路寢) Jeongchim(正寢) and others. Before Zhou dynasty, the expressions of Taesil(太室) and Sesil(世室) were used, and especially the term of Taesil(太室) is found in the records of the early period of West Zhou. In "Seogyeong(書經)", not only the term of Nochim(路寢) but also the letter of 'chim(寢)' itself is not found at all, but the letter of 'sil(室)' appeared several times in the chapters of "Haseo(夏書)" "Sangseo(商書)" "Juseo(周書)" except for that of "Wuseo(虞書)". "Jwajowusa(左祖右社)" meaning that 'the Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) which keeps the late king's mortuary tablet is established in the left, and Sajikdan altar(社稷壇) which enshrines a god of land and grains is established in the right' was first mentioned in the part of 'Janginyeongguk(匠人營國 : a master craftsman builds different national infrastructures, for instance, a palace and roads)' in "Donggwangogonggi(冬官考工記)" of "Jurye(周禮)". In addition, so-called 'Jwamyowusa(左廟右社)', that is, "Sajik(社稷) enshrining the god of land and grains is built in the right('右'), and the Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) in the left('左'). (右社稷 左宗廟)" was mentioned as one of different duties of a Sojongbaek(小宗伯) in charge of ancestral rites, which was recorded in "Chungwanjongbaek(春官宗伯)" of "Jurye(周禮)". And it seems that had affected the mention of "Jwajowusa(左祖右社)" in "Donggwangogonggi(冬官考工記)" appeared thereafter. Many manners scholars including Jeonghyun(鄭玄) since Han dynasty interpreted 'Jwa(左 : left)' and 'Wu(右 : right)' here as the arrangement relation of left and right of Jongmyo(宗廟) and Sajik(社稷), but when it is interpreted as "helping(右=佑 : to help) to sacrifice to a god of land and grains in Sajik(社稷), and helping(左=佐 : to help) memorial ceremonies in Jongmyo(宗廟)." it can correspond with a 'Jongbaek(宗伯)''s duties. 'Jeonmyohuchim(前廟後寢)' is the term that began from the expression that "what's in front is called as an jongmyo shrine(宗廟) and what's back as a bedroom.(前曰廟 後曰寢)" in Jeonghyun(鄭玄)'s annotation explaining the chapter of "Hagwansama(夏官司馬)" in "Jurye(周禮)" and "Wolryeong(月令)" in "Yegi(禮記)". Chaeong(蔡邕), a figure in the same age as Jeonghyun(鄭玄), used the expression that "a court is placed in the front, and a bedroom in the back(前有朝 後有寢)." In the paper, two hypotheses were discussed about the theory about Jeonmyohuchim(前廟後寢). In one hypothesis, it expressed two facilities within a wall; 'a court in the front to deal with governmental affairs, and a comfortable interior space in the back.' In another hypothesis, it refers to two independent and separate buildings of 'an jongmyo shrine(宗廟) building in the front as the area of governmental meetings, and the residential building in the back as the residence area with family'.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.263-297
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• 2010

The relics of the Southeast Asian civilizations in the first phase are found with the relics from India, China, and even further West of Persia and Rome. These relics are the historic marks of the ancient interactions of various continents, mainly through the maritime trade. The traces of the indic culture, which appears in the historic age, are represented in the textual records and arts, regarded as the essence of the India itself. The ancient Hindu arts found in various locations of Southeast Asia were thought to be transplanted directly from India. However, Neither did the Gupta Hindu Art of India form the mainstream of the Gupta Art, nor did it play an influential role in the adjacent areas. The Indian culture was transmitted to Southeast Asia rather intermittently than consistently. If we thoroughly compare the early Hindu art of India and that of Southeast Asia, we can find that the latter was influenced by the former, but still sustained Southeast Asian originality. The reason that the earliest Southeast Asian Hindu art is discovered mostly in continental Southeast Asia is resulted from the fact that the earliest networks between India and the region were constructed in this region. Among the images of Hindu gods produced before the 7th century are Shiva, Vishnu, Harihara, and Skanda(the son of Shiva), and Ganesha(the god of wealth). The earliest example of Vishnu was sculpted according to the Kushan style. After that, most of the sculptures came to have robust figures and graceful proportions. There are a small number of images of Ganesha and Skanda. These images strictly follow the iconography of the Indian sculpture. This shows that Southeast Asians chose their own Hindu gods from the Hindu pantheon selectively and devoted their faiths to them. Their basic iconography obediently followed the Indian model, but they tried to transform parts of the images within the Southeast Asian contexts. However, it is very difficult to understand the process of the development of the Hindu faith and its contents in the ancient Southeast Asia. It is because there are very few undamaged Hindu temples left in Southeast Asia. It is also difficult to make sure that the Hindu religion of India, which was based on the complex rituals and the caste system, was transplanted to Southeast Asia, because there were no such strong basis of social structure and religion in the region. "Indianization" is an organized expansion of the Indian culture based on the sense of belonging to an Indian context. This can be defined through the process of transmission and progress of the Hindu or Buddhist religions, legends about purana, and the influx of various epic expression and its development. Such conditions are represented through the Sanskrit language and the art. It is the element of the Indian culture to fabricate an image of god as a devotional object. However, if we look into details of the iconography, style, and religious culture, these can be understood as a "selective reception of foreign religious culture." There were no sophisticated social structure yet to support the Indian culture to continue in Southeast Asia around the 7th century. Whether this phenomena was an "Indianization" or the "influx of elements of Indian culture," it was closely related to the matter of 'localization.' The regional character of each local region in Southeast Asia is partially shown after the 8th century. However it is not clear whether this culture was settled in each region as its dominant culture. The localization of the Indian culture in Southeast Asia which acted as a network connecting ports or cities was a part of the process of localization of Indian culture in pan-Southeast Asian region, and the process of the building of the basis for establishing an identity for each Southeast Asian region.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.215-240
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• 2018

In this paper, the contents about funeral rites in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial"(儀禮) were compared to those in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought. The most direct and systematic document related to funeral rites is "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial". Some of its contents had been reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought, such as "Zuo Zhuan", "Mozi" and "Xunzi", while others didn't agree with one another. It happened because some contents had been already reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought in the process of establishing scriptures about manners including the ancient "Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial", and because, on the contrary, the contents of the books of Hundred Schools of Thought had become included in the scriptures about manners by following Confucianism. First, the basic contents of Chapter 'Mourning Clothes' in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" were generally reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought, and there are many contents in common. Most prominently, three-year-mourning for parents and a king had been enhanced in Confucianism commonly. Although Mohism opposed Confucian luxurious and long funerals (厚葬久喪), the mourning clothing system in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" can be said to have been people's universal understanding until the Spring and Autumn period at least. In addition, it has been verified that there were differences in the mourning clothes depending on the one who wore them was an adult or not both in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" and the books of Hundred Schools of Thought. On the other hand, many arguments in the contents about funeral rites reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought were different from the rules in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial". In particular, the mourning clothes for parents reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought showed that there were differences depending on social positions, which was dissimilar to the regulations in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial". Also, different from the mourning clothes system for parents and a king, the system for a wife and a concubine was dissimilar to the rules in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" in many ways. Since the regulations of Chapter of 'Mourning Clothes' in the present version of "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" suggest different mourning clothes and periods depending on who wears the mourning clothes and what social position the deceased had, it seems difficult to implement them strictly historically as well as at those times. Especially, while the funeral rituals for a child was relatively clear based on the parent-child relationship of "affection" and those for a king and parents were plainly regulated and emphasized, the rules of those for a vassal and a wife were absent or ambiguous in many cases. Therefore, the term of "the Theee Bonds"(三綱) appeared first in Dong Zhongshu(董仲舒)'s "Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals"(春秋繁露) that reflected the ideology of political ethics of Han Dynasty(漢代), but regarding its contents, it can be said to have been already reflected in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial".

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.26
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• pp.71-106
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• 2008

The objective of this research is to reconstruct an aristocratic officer's travels by analysing Yu, hee-chun's diary, Miamilgi. Yu had kept his diary for eighty three months, from October 1567 to May 1577, and there were twenty six times of travel logs which are analysed in this research. As a result of the analysis, his travels can be divided into official travels and private travels. Sixteen times of official travels were comprised of inspection tours for parishes as a superintendent of Jeonra province, trips to supervise maintenance works of royal tombs and to worship the tombs, to carry out the sanjae (rituals in the mountains) as a second minister of the ministry of rites. It was difficult for him to have private travels as he continually served as a royal officer. He had got only 10 times of private travels during the eighty three months for maintaining the ancestor's tomb and worshiping the ancestors, for recuperating himself and his wife, and for constructing his new house. All of these travels were long-distance ones. In terms of his travel routes, he frequently used royal main trunks, e.g. 'Haenamro' (from Seoul to Damyang), which were maintained by the royal government. The main reason of his frequent using of trunk lines was that convenience facilities such as the royal post stations (Yeok) and royal inns (Won) were equipped well in these roads so it was easy to get horse change services and lodging and boarding. The fact that main trunks were chiefly straight lines and the shortest way was rather secondary reason. On the other hand, when he was a superintendent of Junra province, he had four times of round inspection on all parishes of Junra province, following the tour routs covering all over the province. As he was incumbent royal officer, he started his travel by getting a permission from the king. Simultaneously, he made ready some travel items. Among the items, horse was most important one for the journey. After finishing all the preparing processes before the departure, he had special farewell ceremony for the King, Sookbae, and had a small party with his friends called Jeonbeul. Main transportation means for his travel was horse, and many kinds of horses such as royal government's horse, Yeokma, local government's horse, Swema, as well as his private one were used. Additionally, he used a palanquin while he was doing inspection trip as a superintendent of Junra province. Yu was incumbent officer so he mostly lodged in local government guest houses. If he could not find out any local guest house, he was lodged in royal inn, and in his relatives houses or irregularly in buddhist temples. Most meals were supplied by local royal governments. The activities in his journeys were varied on his travel objectives. In his private journey, it was the main activities that maintaining ancestor's tombs and having a memorial service. During the trip, he visited his relatives. His official trips, on the other hand, had a regularity. Main activities were dealing with public works, and visiting Hyanggyo (country public school). However in the midway, he visited his relatives and had a journey to scenic places.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.58
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• pp.201-243
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• 2018

Understanding the theory of how a religion accepts the perspective on death is a prerequisite to grasp the identity and characteristics of such religion. Furthermore, contemplating the perspective on death, itself has a significant meaning as the contemplation provides an insight on how religion has, currently is and how it would influence the practical life of the human race. This current study compares and analyzes the perspective on death accepted by New Religions of Jeungsan, Confucianism and Taoism. By comparing the perspectives on death, this study seeks to conclude the similarity and discrepancy of New Religions of Jeungsan, Confucianism and Taoism. The objective of this study is to summarize the religious characteristic and identity of New Religions of Jeungsan, and the social role of New Religions of Jeungsan. How does New Religions of Jeungsan preach afterlife? This question implies varieties of questions including: In what shape or form does human exist in afterlife?; Does human maintain their original identity in afterlife?; What happens to relations with family members in afterlife?; What is one's role in afterlife, and what would one experience in afterlife? or Does soul transmigrate or are reborn? This current study compares the answers to these questions one by one with Confucianism and Taoism.In general, this current study was conducted with a non-religious methodology. Death can be explained in three different domains: the psychological domain explaining the individual psychological awareness upon encountering death; the philosophical-religious domain explaining the death through the philosophical understanding of the human concept; and the socio-cultural domain explaining death through the social ceremonies upon death.This current study focuses on the philosophical domain of the perspective on death accepted by New Religions of Jeungsan, with a comparison of the socio-cultural significance. To understand the perspective on death preached by New Religions of Jeungsan, It is indispensable to explain the five key elements of Hon(魂), Baek (魄), Shin(神), Young(靈) and Seon(仙) that construe death. The perspective on death preached by New Religions of Jeungsan imposes a multi layer of acceptance and overcoming. This current study complements the problems and limits of previous studies by comparison with Confucianism and Taoism. Throughout this process, this current study intends to highlight the key elements of the perspective on death preached by Deasunjinrihoe, and identify the aspects of each key element. With the sophisticated discussion of the perspective on death provided by New Religions of Jeungsan with clarity, this current study will provide grounds for future studies to extract, in detail, the aspects of the perspective on death preached by New Religions of Jeungsan, in further subjects including: discussions on death such as rituals for death, treatment of bodies, funerals, educating death, euthanasia, or suicide; discussions on the existence of hell; discussions on psychological aspects of ones who encounter death; or discussions on rebirth of those who died during the creation era. This current study will provide an overview on what kind of perspective on death does those who are faithful to New Religions of Jeungsan have and currently are living their life with.