• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.4 no.3
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• pp.213-219
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• 1989

In this paper we investigate the table settings of Korean ceremonial foods for Honrye (a marriage ceremony) and Jerye (sacrificial rituals). According to the procedure of Honrye, the tables for Honrye are to be the divided into four classes; Bongchisang for Nappe ceremony, Choroyechungsang for Chorye ceremony, Keunsang for the bride and bridegroom and Pyebecksang for Kyungugorye ceremony. Jerye is to be divided into several classes; Shunjoje, Shijoje, Leeje, Kheeilje, Myoje, Sokjeulje, Sasije, and so on. Foods for Jerye are a little different from those for Honrye, but the form of table settings for Jerye is similar to that of Keunsang in Horye. Each table setting for Honrye and Jerye has its own form, that represents the meaning of that ceremony. Furthermore, foods prepared for Honrye and Jerye have the Korean dual principle of the negative and positive.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.36 no.8
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• pp.77-93
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• 1998

Have elderly parents parted with parental role after the children were grown up? If they still have, what kinds and degrees of parental responsibilities endured? Do they actively perform the role? Do they satisfy to engage in parenting? The main purpose of present study explored these questions conceming rural old-aged families using data of 143 elderly parents aged 60 years and above. The results indicate that elderly parents perceived parenting adult children to be very important, regarding themselves as househeads to teach family members how to integrate together. The results also demonstrate that elderly parents performed parental role actively in teaching family rituals and providing emotional support. The elderly parents also report that they were fairly satisfied with involvement in adult children's lives. Our findings suggest that further in-depth research is required in eliciting the role parameters of elderly parents based on our social and cultural changes. In addition, it is encouraged to examine the adult children's expectation of their elderly parents for renegotiating and restructuring parent-child relationships when both are adults.

• Korean Journal of Hospice Care
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.24-31
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• 2006

Psycho-social-spiritual care should be included with comprehensive nursing care of cancer patient. Because of human being have four dimensions as physical, psychological, social and spiritual dimension and they do interactional relationship with themselves, others and God. So caregivers of cancer patient have to recognize what they have psycho-social-spiritual needs and have to consider how caregivers can combine these in comprehensive nursing care. Cancer patient will be experienced shock, feeling of crisis and fear of death and will be showed denial, anger, bargaining, depression, accept or give-up, hope, spiritual distress and spiritual needs to which help them to do some rituals or interactions according their religion. Loving attitude is essential of cancer patient care especially of psycho-social-spiritual care. Dr. Kim and her some colleques investigated about this and find out 10 concepts(Caring Behaviors) by Graunded Theory Methodology. They are Noticing, Participating, Sharing, Active Listening, Complimenting, Companioning, Comforting, Hoping, Forgiving, Accepting.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.25
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• pp.131-158
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• 2011

In the Sakha(Yakutia) Republic, culture and politics continue to be interwined. Shamanism recently has come out of hiding after Soviet repression, and into fashion. Images of the shaman are changing in villages, where traditional healers have maintained their practices in difficult conditions, and in cities, where a resurgence of spirit belief and healing has led to the revitalization of their nationalism. Shamans and folk healers manipulate their own images, and in turn are changed by the upheavals of politicized cultural revitalization. In this complex and interactive context, folklore about traditional shamans has become especially rich and accessible. I argue here that religion has become an idiom through which competing definitions of homeland and national pride are being shaped. Until September 2002, Yakutsk had never had a 'temple' devoted to the practice of traditional shamanic beliefs. Indeed the whole concept that a building 'Archie Jiete' could contain or represent the beliefs, values and rituals of the Sakha people was new, and highly controversial.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.111-148
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• 2020

One way for phatic communication to be linguistically realized involves ritual activities, such as greetings and leave-takings. These conventionalized acts in medical contexts can significantly influence both transactional and interpersonal goals. The analysis in this paper confirms that exchanging rituals such as greeting and leave-taking between doctors and patients is not a simple exchange of conventionalized linguistic symbols. In addition, the use of discursive strategies means that to determine whether an expression is phatic or not, it is necessary to analyze it from the multidimensional perspective. The phaticity is established based on the negotiation between the participants during the interaction. We have found that the interrogative form of greeting like "¿Qué tal?" (How are you?) becomes a versatile resource in the medical context. Thus, professionals need to be attentive to the discourse progress, because the phaticity of the interrogative greetings (illocutionary force) is linked, in the vast majority, with the reaction of the patients. Also, the data confirms that when participants coordinate closings, the exchange of turns lengthens and the intervention of various discursive strategies for phatic communion becomes more prominent.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.27-50
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• 2009

Although Malaysia chooses Islam as national religion, the nation has really shown a variety of belief systems among which we would find Hinduism, Buddhism, and Animism. Most scholars having studied them regarded the aspect of Malay traditional belief systems as syncretism. This trait of the belief systems in Malaysia is revealed well in the sphere specifically as the rite of passage, to which I do rather prefer the rite of "life" from the sense of emphasizing the rituals varied by the cycle of life time. Under the perspective this paper examines the real phases of the rite of passage, or life of Malays. I will argue here the fact that in performing the rite of passage, Malays mobilize various arts on the basis of the syncretic faith accepting the supernatural, or keramat, with almighty power. Therefore, from the study of the rite of passage we can exactly scrutinize how Malays have altered and adjusted their belief systems in real world.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.1-16
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• 2012

In 2010, nearly thirteen hundred Buddhist monks from all over the world converged on to the small Indonesian resort town of Berastagi to celebrate the inauguration of the Taman AlamLumbini, a replica of Myanmar's most iconic Theravada Buddhist temple, the ShwedagonPaya. Nestled on Christian lands within a predominantly Muslim country, the building of the Taman AlamLumbini marked several years of negotiation amongst various religious communities, local government mediators, and patrons. This study makes a preliminary assessment of the ways in which cultural and historical discourses were used by participants to evoke a sense of transnational connectedness outside the realm of formal bilateral diplomacy. Through particular Buddhist ceremonies, rituals, and imagery, Myanmar sponsors and Indonesian patrons promoted a sense of broad pan-Asianism that linked monks, state officials, and local lay practitioners into a single community. A brief examination of the key speeches during the opening ceremony reveals that national interest and identity were still very much in play.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.379-418
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• 2017

Weoldae -which we can find inside Joseon palaces- is usually erected in front of important structures including the Main Hall(Jeongjeon, 正殿). There is no clear definition of its nature that we can find in official law codes or dynastic ritual manuals, and such records do not specify what kind of rules should be observed in creating them either. In illustrations of palaces such as and , Weoldae can be seen at structures such as the Main "Jeongjeon" Hall(正殿), Royal office(Pyeonjeon, 便殿), Royal Quarters(Jeongchim, 正寢), Queen's bedroom(Chimjeon, 寢殿), Quarters of the Crown Prince(Dong'gung, 東宮), and other structures. All these structures equipped with a Weoldae were related to special figures inside the royal family such as the king, the queen, the crown prince, and the crown-prince' son. These figures were literally above the law, and as such their treatment could not be defined by law. And these spaces were where they worked or rested while they lived, and where their posthumous tablets(Shinju, 神主) or portraits(Eojin, 御眞) were enshrined after they died. (When such spaces were used for latter purposes, they were designated either as 'Honjeon[魂殿, chamber of the tablet]' or 'Jinjeon[眞殿, hall of portrait']). Joseon was a Confucian dynasty with a strict social stratification system, and the palace structures reflected such atmosphere as well. We can see that structures described with Weoldae in and were structures which were more important than others that did not have a Weoldae. Among structures with Weoldae, the place which hosted most of the dynastic rituals was the Main Hall. In this Main Hall, the King swore an oath himself, passed the incense(香) himself during memorial services, and observed honoring ceremonies[Manbae-rye(望拜禮)] at the "Hwangdan"(皇壇) altar which was built to commemorate the three Ming Emperors. The so-called "Two Palaces[兩闕]" of Joseon shared a unique relationship in terms of their own Weoldae units and the rituals that were held there. In the early half of the Joseon dynasty period, Gyeongbok-gung(景福宮) and Dong'gweol(東闕) constituted the "Two palaces," but after the war with the Japanese in the 1590s during which the Gyeongbok-gung palace was incinerated, Dong'gweol and Seogweol(西闕) came to newly form the "Two palaces" instead. Meanwhile, Changdeok-gung(昌德宮) became the main palace[法宮], replacing the previous one which had been Gyeongbok-gung. In general, when a king moved to another palace, the ancestral tablets in the Honjeon chamber or the portrait in the Jinjeon hall would accompany him as well. Their presence would be established within the new palace. But king Yeongjo was an exception from that practice. Even after he moved to the Gyeong'hi-gung(慶熙宮) palace, he continued to pay visit to the Jinjeon Hall at Changdeok-gung. While he was positioned inside Gyeong'hi-gung, he did not manage the palace with Gyeonghi-gung as its sole center. He tried to manage other palaces like Changdeok-gung and Chang'gyeong-gung(昌慶宮) as well, and as organically as possible.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.72
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• pp.185-215
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• 2018

This paper discusses the Historical significance of Li-thought at the Hoejae, Lee-Eonjeok's Bongseonjabui. In this study, I tried to derive the value and meaning in the history of the Chosun Dynasty by examining the comparison between the Bongseonjabui and Book of Ancestor-memorial Ceremonies written in the 16th century The following is a summary of the Historical significance of Li-thought of Bongseonjabui. First, it is the first concrete result of the Chosun Dynasty concerning the Family Rituals. Second, it is characterized not only the description of actual procedures but also the explanations of both the theory and reality in Ancestor-memorial Ceremony. Third, it is an example of harmonizing with the national system and the customs of time by applying to the situation of Chosun society at that time. Fourth, it is an example that focuses on the essential meaning of the Ancestor-memorial Ceremony, not the attitude of one side the Zhu Xi's Family Rituals as in the later books.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.40-52
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• 2021

Various peoples lived in Changbai Mountain in each era, and the peoples of each period regarded Changbai Mountain as part of their own religious culture. Existing studies on the culture of Changbai Mountain are conducted only based on the events of a specific period, but how the sacredness of Changbai Mountain has changed from time to time, how it is related to the religious culture of the people of each period, and how sacred the areas and spaces have changed. There has been no research to that extent. The purpose of this study is to examine and analyze the meaning of Changbai Mountain's sacredness that has changed from time to time. In order to examine the change of the sanctity of Changbai Mountain through synchronicity, the study focused on the hierophany occurring between the religious culture of the peoples of each period and the space of Changbai Mountain. Specifically, the activities to protect the sacred objects and sacred spaces revealed by the hierophany were considered, and the change of the sanctity of Changbai Mountain was interpreted with the derived results. The summary of the results of this study is as follows. The sacred activities of Changbai Mountain have changed from time to time. During the pre-Qing dynasty, civilians performed incarnation rites, holy god rites, mountain god ceremonies, and willow god rites for livelihood and survival, and the king of the Jin dynasty offered rituals to the Changbai Mountain gods as rituals such as Four Mountains(Yuezhen). During the Qing Dynasty, the emperor built Wangji Temple and sent a government official to make a ritual to the Changbai Mountain god as the best ritual to symbolize the country. In modern times, Bagua Temple was built on the top of Changbai Mountain and sacrifices were made to the Changbai Mountain gods, and the nature of Changbai Mountain. Humans living in Changbai Mountain area were judged through the tricks of the Bagua Mountain. In addition, during this period, civilians performed ritual activities centering on the god Shanshenlaobatou, who personified life and production. In summary, the sacred activities of Changbai Mountain were shamanistic rituals based on animistic ideology in the pre-Qing dynasty, the best imperial rites for honoring the sacred as an imperial sanctuary in the Qing dynasty, and the Taoist ideology of migrants in the modern period. It had been transformed into a ceremonial activity. And the meaning of Changbai Mountain, viewed as a sacred activity, was elevated from the mountain of livelihood in the pre-Qing dynasty to the mountain of the nation in the Qing dynasty, and then changed to the mountain of modern production.