• 한국식생활문화학회지
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• 제27권6호
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• pp.598-606
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• 2012

The aim of this study was to comparatively analyze the differences in Jinseol (ritual table-setting) and Jesu (ritual food) from the cultural perspective of ancestral ritual formalities regarding Bulcheonwijerye of Admiral Yi Sun-Sin, which is being held in Asan-hyeonchungsa shrine, Tongyeong-changnyangmyo and Namhae-chungyeolsa. The results are summarized as follows. A total of 32 types of Jemul (ritual food) in 6 rows in Asan-hyeonchungsa shrine, a total of 30 types of jemul in 6 rows in Tongyeong-changnyangmyo, and a total of 12 types of jemul in 2 rows in Namhae-chungyeolsa were prepared for the ritual table. In the Asan-hyeonchungsa shrine and Tongyeong-changnyangmyo, cooked foods have been used for jesu, whereas raw, uncooked foods have been used for jesu in Namhae-chungyeolsa. In the Asan-hyeonchungsa shrine, Gaeng (Kook) for liquid soup of Tang (stew) and Tang (5-tang) for the solid ingredient of stew have been prepared for a ritual table. In Tongyeong-changnyangmyo, fish Kook for Gaeng and So-tang (tofu stew) for Tang have been prepared for the ritual table. In Asan-hyeonchungsa shrine, Yukjeok (beef slices broiled on a skewer), Gyejeok (chicken jeok) and Eojeok (fish jeok) have been stacked together as Dojeok on a ritual table whereas in Tongyeong-changnyangmyo, Yukjeok, Sojeok and Eojeok have been placed on the ritual table as Pyunjeok (one by one). In Namhae- chungyeolsa, raw pork meat has been placed on the ritual table. As Po (a dried meat or fish), dried fish and dried seafood have been used in Tongyeong-changnyangmyo, whereas raw beef meat has been used in Namhae-chungyeolsa. Although Namul (cooked vegetables) and Mulkimchi (watery plain kimchi) are placed on ritual table for Asan-hyeonchungsa shrine, only Namul and Saengchae (raw vegetables) is used in Tongyeong-changnyangmyo and Namhae-chungyeolsa, respectively. Bulcheonwijerye for the same person, Admiral Yi Sun-Sin, has different characteristics according to the shrines. Accordingly, there is a need to preserve and succeed bulcheonwijerye of Admiral Yi because it is a traditional culture in ancestral rituals.

• 복식
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• 제27권
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• pp.41-52
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• 1996

This thesis is a rearch on ritual dresses and ideology of new Korean religions primarily cen-tering on the way how religions ideology has been expressed into them. THe results are as follows" 1. The representative ideology in new Korean religions is the beginning of the world after the end religional union anthropocentrism ethno-centrism and social reform. 2 The creator of Mirukbulgyo hinm-self made the ritual dress for Mirukbulgyo Therefore his thought and the thought new religions are expressed variously on literatiure and ritual dress Ritual dress which has been wearing to all the believers show the thought of social reform also it is not connected with the social position and sex distinction. That ritual dresses are used the part of boue color appears the thought of beginning of the world after the end and ethnocentrism The organization of all the dresses contains the ideol-ogy of religional joined-one. Each dress embodies the ideology of religional union and anthropocentrism in its Inhwagwan, Chungbok contains the ideology of religional union which Taosim prefominanates and ethnocentrism P'oui contains the ideology of beginning of the world after the end and the ideology of social reform.form.

• 한국가정과학회지
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• 제5권1호
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• pp.14-27
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• 2002

The purpose of this study is to identify the ritual dress used by the 12 religious bodies of Dankun followers to help understand the teachings of these currently operating religious groups in Korea. The findings from the survey and related literatures are used to analyze the characteristics of these ritual dresses in terms of their items, construction, form, and color. The results of the study are as follows: first, most of the religious groups of Dankun followers have established the code for ritual dresses and they are named as 'chaebok'(제복, sacrificial robes), 'yebok'(예복, ceremonial dress), 'chungbok'(정복, formal attire), 'pubbok'(법복, Buddhist formal dress), or 'tobok'(도복, Taoist garments). The official headgear is usually named as 'chaemo'(제모), 'soogun'(수건), 'moja'(모자), or 'yoogun'(유건, 儒巾). Though, there are some groups which do not use any specific names for headgear. Second, the ritual dresses of most groups are composed of the 'hanbok'(한복,韓服) or usual Western-style dress, a traditional outer wear, 'po'(포,袍), and a headgear, as a basic attire. Third, the traditional 'hanbok' is worn as a base garment and an outer wear is worn above. The different types of outer wear are used: mostly 'chaksu jueui jikyoun po'(착수주의직령포, 窄袖周衣直領袍) for men and 'kwangsu jikyoung po'(광수직령포, 廣袖直領袍) and other various styles for women. The headgear from the ancient times are worn by both men and women. Fourth, the most frequently-used color for ritual dress is white for both men and women's dress. The colors from the Yin and Yang ideology are also used in the ritual dresses. Finally, the kinds of materials are not considered as an important element for the ritual dresses.

• 대한가정학회지
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• 제37권11호
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• pp.59-73
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• 1999

The purpose of the present study was to identify the effect of perceivers’value and religions on the impresson of Korean catholic priest’s ritual dress. The subject consisted of 415 undergraduated students. The experimental materials developed for this study were 3type color photographs stimuli of catholic priest model and 7-point sementic differential scale composed of 49 bipolar adjectives representing personal traits. Perceivers were differenciated by AVL test. The data were analyzed by factor analysis and analysis of variance. The major findings drawl from this study were as follows : 1) Four factors( openness, religious nature, potency, characteristics of apperance) emerged to account for the dimentional structure of the impression of priest’s ritual dress. 2) The ritual dress and perceivers religion had partially significant effect on the impression of the priest. The ritual dress had an effect on openness and potency while the religious of perceivers affected religious symbolism and potency. Black suit with Roman collar and soutan were seen more authoritative, strong and independent than liturgical vestments. Catholic group saw priest with ritual dress more pure and potent than the other religious groups. 3) The ritual dress and perceiver’s value had partially significant effect on the impression of the priest. The ritual dress had an effect on openness, potency and the value had an significant interaction effect on potency. The group with political value perceived the priest with soutan more potent than black suit with Roman collar and liturgical vestments. Therefore the ritual dress and perceivers’value/religion had significant erect on Korean priest impression of openness, religious nature, potency. Research had also shown the similarity-attraction hypothesis which the individuals who hold similar characterisics are more Likely to be attracted.

• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
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• 제8권2호
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• pp.32-49
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• 2008

The Torajan people who started to receive increased attention from the 1990 are one of the many ethnic groups of Indonesia. This paper intends to examine Torajan Ceremonies practied today in the modern world, driven by the Torajan people's age-old perspective of life and death (and the world after) that comes from their background on traditional lifestyle and (animated) folk religion/belief. It focuses on the ceremonial Dances, which is one of the most important element in Torajan Ceremonies, and gain deeper insight through its costumes and ornaments which traditionally revealed the social status of hosts and performers. In ceremony, the most important division is the classification of ritual into Aluk rampe matallo(life facing ritual ) and Aluk rampe matampu? death ritual). So Traditional Toraja dances may be classified into two genres: life related ritual dances and death ritual dances. Especially the funeral ceremonies in Toraja has been rather more famous on its spectacle aspect to outsiders however its relationships to the broader theme of Torajan Ceremonies and ceremonial dances are very less known and sources on this topic are also very scarce. Fortunately, I was able to witness one of such an ritual event. I did see one kind of the funeral rituals which is the most dramatic and symbolically rich performances in Toraja. Here, a brief account of its will highlight some dimension of ceremony, personfood, and potency in Torajan thought and action.

• 비교문화연구
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• 제22권
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• pp.177-201
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• 2011

The Lord of Mayan society was a person who was thought to be able to understand phenomena in the universe. And also the Lord could realize these activities of heaven on Earth through ritual. But the manifested ritual function of lordship was very different depends on Classic and Postclassic period. The Classic Mayan rituals were closely related to personal dignity, specially royal blood tradition meanwhile the Postclassic Mayans focused on public function of ritual. The ritual sacrifices of blood letting from their own body, manifested in Yaxchilan Lintel 24, 25 and 17, were focused on royal family's activity, showing the dignity of royal blood. The same ritual about the birth of family successor was observed at the Structure 5C4 from Postclassic ruin of Chichen Itza. However, this scene in focus, was two representative men and the answer of ancestor, not a special person. Also at the Lintel 1 of Temple of Four Lintels it was observed names of four Lords of Chichen Itza, their relationship, their action of firing to dedicate temple instead of writing long history of great royal family. All above shows that during Postclassic period the lords preferred a public function of their lordship than to dignify some royal persons through ritual.

• 공연문화연구
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• 제43호
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• pp.441-483
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• 2021

동발[바라]의 유입과정은 인도를 거쳐 중국을 통해 전승된 불교와 맥을 같이 한다. 따라서 인도와 중국불교 속의 동발의 기록을 추적하고, 특히 경전에 수록된 동발과 한국불교 의식문에 수록된 동발의 기능과 활용방법, 전개된 바라무의 성격 등에 대해 살펴보았다. 동발이 기록된 경전 중 번역시기가 가장 이른 경전은 『묘법연화경』(406년)이며, 경전에 수록된 바라는 대부분 동발(銅鈸)이라 표기되었고, 의식 진행 시 법구(法具)로 사용되었거나, 기악공양물, 장엄물(莊嚴物)로 사용되었다. 한국에서 동발이 사용된 것을 확인할 수 있는 가장 오래된 기록은 일본 『서대사자재류기장』(780년)이며, 현재 보존된 유물 중 동발류의 악기가 등장한 최고(最古)시기는 통일신라 초기로, 682년 조성된 감은사 사리함이다. 이 유물로 보아 늦어도 7세기경 사찰에서 동발이 사용되었다는 것을 확인할 수 있다. 청규와 의식문에 수록된 동발(銅鈸)의 기록은 명발(鳴鈸)과 동발(動鈸)로 구분된다. 명발의 '명(鳴)'은 소리를 내는 것으로, 바라를 부딪쳐서 울려주는 것을 말한다. 이러한 명발은 정립(定立)된 규칙이나 방법이 있었던 것을 확인할 수 있다. 동발(動鈸)은 움직임, 동작을 뜻하므로 바라무를 말하는 것으로 보인다. 이와 같이 바라를 울려 소리를 내었던 명발의 개념에 동작이 덧붙여져 동발(動鈸)이 되고, 현재 전승되고 있는 바라무로 발전된 것이라고 볼 수 있다. 한국불교의례에서 전승되고 있는 바라무는 7종이 있으며, 그 성격에 따라 정화의식(淨化儀式), 소청의식(召請儀式), 옹호의식(擁護儀式), 권공의식(勸供儀式), 관욕의식(灌浴儀式), 화의의식(化衣儀式), 기경의식(起經儀式), 찬탄의식(讚歎儀式) 등으로 분류할 수 있다.

• 복식문화연구
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• 제5권3호
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• pp.142-150
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• 1997

Korean ritual dancing was doing in a royal court when an auspicious event happen in a country, a ritual ceremony was hold or reception for an envoy came from the other country was hold. There were 53 kinds of ritual dancing in Korea. Gumgee-Mu was the one among of them. Yea-Reung(woman ritual dancer) were dancing Gumgee-Mu with a sword. For Gumgee-Mu they wore a Kaeja(快子), Haebsuyoi(挾袖衣). Above it they took a Jeandae(戰帶), Jeanlib(戰笠). The dancing suit\`s color had a harmony with well mixed. Lunar-Solar-Five-Natural(陰陽五行) of oriented traditional concept.

• 한국의상디자인학회지
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• 제15권1호
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• pp.155-173
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• 2013

Recently, social problem of teens becomes one of the important social issues. Adolescence is the intermediate stages of childhood and adulthood. Teens have not find their identity at this time. That reason is why teens and the old generation are disconnect. That arise from the development of industry and the nuclear family, entrance examination-oriented education system. So they are wandering in the popular culture and the cyber-space. Therefore, families, schools and state should have interesting and understanding for teens, and should strive that teens establish a self established identity. Specially, ethics education using traditional culture will help to establish their identity, and that provide self-esteem and pride about korean traditional culture. This is the reason why culture contents that is based on Korean traditional culture have to make for teens. The purpose of this study is to provide the basic data that will help in the development Korean traditional cultural contents for teens. In this study, this researchers will search the following matters; first, what is ritual for Coming-of-age, second, various forms of ritual for Coming-of-age and Korean modern ritual in order to grasp the meaning of the ritual for Coming-of-age, third, costume and meaning of costume which has in both Kwan-Ryea as Korean traditional ritual for Coming-of-age and Korean modern ritual. This study will compare Kwan-Ryea with traditional ritual of modern.

• 한국의류학회지
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• 제45권2호
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• pp.356-375
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• 2021

The Generation Z (Gen-Z) consumer has a unique beauty-consuming behavior that is distinct from the previous generations. This study aims to identify the meaning of makeup rituals based on the theoretical framework of the ritual concept. In-depth interviews were conducted with fifteen females in their mid-teens to early 20s. The results showed that Gen-Z has different types of makeup ritual scripts for both ordinary days and special days, which are constantly being re-written and revised based on the experience accumulated. In addition, there are various types of ritual artifacts that play an important role in Gen-Z's makeup ritual, and that they provide psychological comfort and satisfaction. The importance of DIY (Do It Yourself), collecting, and independent brands is emphasized. The role of Gen-Z in the makeup ritual was expanding from a creator for her own ritual to a collaborator for peers' rituals, and sometimes the expansion goes beyond the direct relationships to virtual ones through SNS (Social Network Service). The Gen-Z cohort is found to be a member of beauty knowledge network through which they learn, share, and create the know-how and shopping skills.