• 제목/요약/키워드: Reserve Forces

검색결과 30건 처리시간 0.025초

드롭랜딩 시 심박수 증가에 따른 하지의 생체역학적 차이 분석 (Analysis on Biomechanical Differences in Lower Limbs Caused by Increasing Heart Rates During Drop-landing)

  • 홍완기;김도은
    • 한국운동역학회지
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    • 제25권2호
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    • pp.141-147
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    • 2015
  • Objective : This study aimed to understand how increased heart rates at the time of drop landing during a step test would affect biomechanical variables of the lower extremity limbs. Background : Ballet performers do more than 200 landings in a daily training. This training raises the heart rate and the fatigability of the lower extremity limbs. Ballet performance high heart rate can trigger lower extremity limb injury. Method : We instructed eight female ballet dancers with no instability in their ankle joints(mean ${\pm}$ SD: age, $20.7{\pm}0.7yr$; body mass index, $19.5{\pm}1.2kg/m^2$, career duration, $8.7{\pm}2.0yr$) to perform the drop landing under the following conditions: rest, 60% heart rate reserve (HRR) and 80% HRR. Results : First, the study confirmed that the increased heart rates of the female ballet dancers did not affect the working ranges of the knee joints during drop landing but only increased angular speeds, which was considered a negative shock-absorption strategy. Second, 80% HRR, which was increased through the step tests, led to severe fatigue among the female ballet dancers, which made them unable to perform a lower extremity limb-neutral position. Hence, their drop landing was unstable, with increased introversion and extroversion moments. Third, we observed that the increasing 80% HRR failed to help the dancers effectively control ground reaction forces but improved the muscular activities of the rectus femoris and vastus medialis oblique muscles. Fourth, the increasing heart rates were positively related to the muscular activities of the vastus medialis oblique and rectus femoris muscles, and the extroversion and introversion moments. Conclusion/Application : Our results prove that increased HRR during a step test negatively affects the biomechanical variables of the lower extremity limbs at the time of drop landing.

기능전환에 따른 동사무소 공간의 적정규모에 관한 연구 (A Study on the appropriateness of Public Facilities Scale)

  • 이정호
    • 한국주거학회논문집
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    • 제16권1호
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    • pp.65-72
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    • 2005
  • With the changing consciousness of community people and the rising standard of living, there has recently been an emphasis on the creation of public facilities' new functions and their role as local community facilities. This changing trends are accordingly requiring a change in spatial structure of the public facilities. In this study, an analysis was conducted with 24 public facilities situated in the Buk-gu district of Daegu to identify the adequacy of their space scale after functional variation. The results of this study are summarized as follows. 1) The site area of public facilities has been being widened after functional variation since more spaces are needed to provide an outdoor resting space with community people, expand a parking space, and operate a community center. 2) The factors that had a direct effect on the change in the use of space are the reduced space for administrative work and the expanded scope of the community center's function. Specifically, the areas of activities for civil service and administrative work and for reserve forces have been reduced due to reduction of function, and floor division by each function group has been becoming stricter due to addition of a community center's function. 3) It was shown that in terms of the space for functions of public facilities, spaces for civil service and waiting have increased mostly after function variation. After functional variation, the scale of spaces for civil service and administrative work has been being planned within the range of $200\~300 m^2$, regardless of the number of population to be covered by public facilities. 4) The space for public use is showing the greatest increase in public facilities which have been built after functional variation. The major factors seem to be the increased moving passages, the expanded convenient facilities for community people, and the increased convenient facilities for disabled. Facilities scale plans have been being made more systematically, compared to the conventional facilities.

잠수함 지원업무 요구일정과 부두 가용자원을 고려한 선석할당계획 (Requirements for Berth-Allocation Planning When Taking Pier-Available Resources and Submarine Support Service Request Schedules into Account)

  • 최지원;최인찬
    • 한국항해항만학회지
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    • 제44권6호
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    • pp.501-508
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    • 2020
  • 본 논문은 현재 한국 해군 잠수함 선석할당방법을 반영하여 기존의 잠수함 선석 할당계획문제를 확장하고 해당문제를 해결하는 정수계획모형을 제안한다. 기존의 잠수함 선석 할당계획 문제는 정박 중 선석 이동과 지원업무 실패를 최소화하면서, 잠수함이 필요한 지원업무가 가능한 선석에 잠수함을 할당하는 것이다. 반면, 한국 해군에서는 선석이동과 지원업무실패 최소화뿐만 아니라 부두 가용자원을 고려하여 잠수함이 요구하는 지원업무의 일정을 최대한 보장하면서, 선석을 할당한다. 따라서 본 논문은 한국 해군의 운용상황에 맞게 기존의 잠수함 선석 할당계획 문제를 확장하고, 부두가용자원의 특징과 잠수함 지원업무 일정의 조율을 포함하는 모형을 제시한다. 제안하는 모형은 선석이동 횟수, 지원업무 지원 실패 횟수, 잠수함 지원업무 요구 일정 조율 횟수를 최소화하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 본 모형의 검증을 위해서 한국 해군의 상황을 바탕으로 고려한 가상의 데이터로 실험을 수행하여 기존의 잠수함 선석 할당계획 문제와 비교·분석한다.

핵위협하 국지도발 대비 대응전략 발전방향 (South Korea's strategy to cope with local provocations by nuclear armed North Korea)

  • 김태우
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권31호
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    • pp.57-84
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    • 2013
  • North Korea's continuous threats and provocative behaviors have aggravated tension on the Korean peninsula particularly with the recent nuclear weapons test. South Korea's best way to cope with this situation is to maintain the balance among three policy directions: dialogue, sanctions, and deterrence. Among the three, I argue that deterrence should be prioritized. There are different sources of deterrence such as military power, economic power, and diplomatic clouts. States can build deterrence capability independently. Alternatively, they may do so through relations with other states including alliances, bilateral relations, or multilateral relations in the international community. What South Korea needs most urgently is to maintain deterrence against North Korea's local provocations through the enhancement of independent military capability particularly by addressing the asymmetric vulnerability between militaries of the South and the North. Most of all, the South Korean government should recognize the seriousness of the negative consequences that North Korea's 'Nuclear shadow strategy' would bring about for the inter-Korea relations and security situations in Northeast Asia. Based on this understanding, it should develop an 'assertive deterrence strategy' that emphasizes 'multi-purpose, multi-stage, and tailored deterrence whose main idea lies in punitive retaliation.' This deterrence strategy requires a flexible targeting policy and a variety of retaliatory measures capable of taking out all targets in North Korea. At the same time, the force structures of the army, the air force, and the navy should be improved in a way that maximizes their deterrence capability. For example, the army should work on expanding the guided missile command and the special forces command and reforming the reserve forces. The navy and the air force should increase striking capabilities including air-to-ground, ship-to-ground, and submarine-to-ground strikes to a great extent. The marine corps can enhance its deterrence capability by changing the force structure from the stationary defense-oriented one that would have to suffer some degree of troop attrition at the early stage of hostilities to the one that focuses on 'counteroffensive landing operations.' The government should continue efforts for defense reform in order to obtain these capabilities while building the 'Korean-style triad system' that consists of advanced air, ground, and surface/ subsurface weapon systems. Besides these measures, South Korea should start to acquire a minimum level of nuclear potential within the legal boundary that the international law defines. For this, South Korea should withdraw from the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty. Moreover, it should obtain the right to process and enrich uranium through changing the U.S.-South Korea nuclear cooperation treaty. Whether or not we should be armed with nuclear weapons should not be understood in terms of "all or nothing." We should consider an 'in-between' option as the Japanese case proves. With regard to the wartime OPCON transition, we need to re-consider the timing of the transition as an effort to demonstrate the costliness of North Korea's provocative behaviors. If impossible, South Korea should take measures to make the Strategic Alliance 2015 serve as a persisting deterrence system against North Korea. As the last point, all the following governments of South Korea should keep in mind that continuing reconciliatory efforts should always be pursued along with other security policies toward North Korea.

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CBRN 위협에 대비한 사후관리체계 강화방안 (A Study on Strengthening Consequence Management System Against CBRN Threats)

  • 권혁신;곽민수;김관헌
    • 대한토목학회논문집
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    • 제40권4호
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    • pp.429-435
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    • 2020
  • 북한은 2017년 6차 핵실험 이후 스스로 핵 무력의 완성을 선언하였다. 한반도 비핵화를 위한 국내외의 노력에도 불구하고 그 해결전망은 밝지 않다. 북한의 WMD위협을 억제하기 위한 정치·외교적 노력과 함께 유사시 예상되는 '재앙적 상황'에 대비한 사후관리 능력의 강화가 요구된다. 이에 따라 본 연구는 CBRN 위협에 대비한 사후관리 강화방안을 제시하기 위해 수행되었다. 연구모델은 국가 차원의 재난관리 계획발전모델 중 미 국토안보부가 채택하여 활용 중인 THIRA 프로세스를 일부 보완하여 활용하였다. 한국의 사후관리 체계는 재난에 대비한 위험관리와 위기관리를 포괄한다. 이 체계는 전·평시 CBRN의 확산 또는 사용의 억제, 위협의 대응, 예상피해 최소화 등을 목적으로 민·관·군 통합방위작전의 형태로 수행된다. 예방단계에는 CBRN의 개념과 사후관리 절차를 국가관리체계 속에 반영, 통합경보체계의 보완, 대피시설의 준비 그리고 통합훈련체계의 구축 등이 요구된다. 대비단계에는 관련 법규와 매뉴얼의 정비, 정부 조직의 정비와 수행절차의 발전, 통합대응이 가능한 현장 지원체계의 구축, 그리고 주기적인 훈련 등이 필수적이다. 대응단계에는 응급처치와 구호를 위한 의료지원체계의 정상가동, 제염시설의 설치 및 운영, 그리고 피해평가 및 통제지침의 발전이 중요하다. 복구단계에서는 안정화 평가 기준 및 절차의 발전, 피해복구에 필요한 자원의 확보 및 운용, 그리고 지역방위군과 향토예비군, 민방위가 연계된 지역피해복구 역량 강화가 필요하다.

부산 일부 지역의 영구불임 피술자들에 대한 사회의학적 조사 (Sociomedical Study on the Person Recieved Permanent Sterilization Method in Busan Area)

  • 송일용
    • Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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    • 제12권1호
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    • pp.70-78
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    • 1979
  • 1978년 1월부터 동년 12월까지 대한가족계획협회 부산 진료소에서 영구피임을 목적으로 정관수술과 난관수술을 받은 1,580명을 대상으로 하여 사회의학적인 특성을 조사한 바, 그 결과는 다음과 같다. 1. 영구피임수출수용자들의 연령은 $30{\sim}34$세군이 44.7%로 가장 많았으며 정관수술수용자들은 영도구(48.3%)에서, 난관수술수용자는 동구(38.0%)에서 각각 제일 많았다. 2. 교육정도는 정관수술수용자들은 고등학교졸업군(49.2%)에서, 난관수술수용자들은 국민학교 졸업군(47.0%)에서 각각 가장 많았다. 3. 영구피임술을 받기 전에 사용한 피임방법으로는 경구피임약 사용이 제일 많았으며 피임방법을 전혀 사용하지 않은 군은 54.1%었다. 4. 영구피임수술을 받기 전까지의 결혼생활 기간은 $5{\sim}9$년군이 가장 많았다. 5. 정관수술수용자들의 현존 자녀수는 2.54명이고 난관수술수용자는 3명이었다. 6. 평균임신회수는 정관수술수용자들은 2회, 난관수술수용자들은 3회였으며 인공유산회수는 1회가 가장 많았다. 7. 피임수술을 권고 받게 된 동기별로는 정관수술수용자들은 예비군훈련시 가족계획교육이, 난관수술수용자들에게는 어머니회에 의하였다는 것이 가장 많았다. 8. 대상자들의 주거상태는 셋방이 69.4%로서 가장 많았다.

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남북 군사력 우열에 대한 군간부들의 인식 평가 (Evaluation on South and North Korean Military Power by Military Officers)

  • 이상진
    • 한국조사연구학회지:조사연구
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    • 제7권1호
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    • pp.29-53
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    • 2006
  • 이 연구는 남북한 군사력의 우열을 비교함에 있어 군간부의 인식에 영향을 미치는 세부 전력분야가 무엇인지 설문을 통해 분석한다. 구체적으로 첫째, 주한미군을 제외한 남북한 전체 군사력과 세부 전력분야(육군, 해군, 공군, 특수전, 생화학전, 예비군동원, 정신전력, 정보전 수행능력)에서 군 계급별로 우열 차이를 분석하였다. 둘째, 전체 군사력 인식에 있어 어떠한 세부 전력분야가 영향을 미치는지를 회귀분석을 통해 평가하였다. 셋째, 남북 군사력 평가에서 발생할 수 있는 평가오류를 분석 하였다. 2002년과 2003년 연구결과는 주한미군을 제외하면 한국군이 북한군에 비해 열세라는 평가이나 2005년 조사에는 비슷한 것으로 인식하고 있다. 세부 분야 중에서 한국의 우세는 전쟁지속능력, 정보전, 공군전력, 해군전력의 순이며, 북한의 우세는 생화학전, 특수전, 예비군 동원전력, 육군전력, 정신전력의 순이었다. 남북 군사력 우열 격차에 영향을 미치는 세부 전력분야는 육군, 해군, 공군전력, 특수전 전력 순이었다. 모든 전력분야에 있어 계급이 높을수록 한국이 북한보다 더 열세하다고 평가하고 있다.

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한국전쟁의 교훈과 대비 -병력수(兵力數) 및 부대수(部隊數)를 중심으로- (The lesson From Korean War)

  • 윤일영
    • 안보군사학연구
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    • 통권8호
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    • pp.49-168
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    • 2010
  • Just before the Korean War, the total number of the North Korean troops was 198,380, while that of the ROK(Republic of Korea) army troops 105,752. That is, the total number of the ROK army troops at that time was 53.3% of the total number of the North Korean army. As of December 2008, the total number of the North Korean troops is estimated to be 1,190,000, while that of the ROK troops is 655,000, so the ROK army maintains 55.04% of the total number of the North Korean troops. If the ROK army continues to reduce its troops according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the total number of its troops will be 517,000 m 2020. If North Korea maintains the current status(l,190,000 troops), the number of the ROK troops will be 43.4% of the North Korean army. In terms of units, just before the Korean War, the number of the ROK army divisions and regiments was 80% and 44.8% of North Korean army. As of December 2008, North Korea maintains 86 divisions and 69 regiments. Compared to the North Korean army, the ROK army maintains 46 Divisions (53.4% of North Korean army) and 15 regiments (21.3% of North Korean army). If the ROK army continue to reduce the military units according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of ROK army divisions will be 28(13 Active Division, 4 Mobilization Divisions and 11 Local Reserve Divisions), while that of the North Korean army will be 86 in 2020. In that case, the number of divisions of the ROK army will be 32.5% of North Korean army. During the Korean war, North Korea suddenly invaded the Republic of Korea and occupied its capital 3 days after the war began. At that time, the ROK army maintained 80% of army divisions, compared to the North Korean army. The lesson to be learned from this is that, if the ROK army is forced to disperse its divisions because of the simultaneous invasion of North Korea and attack of guerrillas in home front areas, the Republic of Korea can be in a serious military danger, even though it maintains 80% of military divisions of North Korea. If the ROK army promotes the plans in [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of military units of the ROK army will be 32.5% of that of the North Korean army. This ratio is 2.4 times lower than that of the time when the Korean war began, and in this case, 90% of total military power should be placed in the DMZ area. If 90% of military power is placed in the DMZ area, few troops will be left for the defense of home front. In addition, if the ROK army continues to reduce the troops, it can allow North Korea to have asymmetrical superiority in military force and it will eventually exert negative influence on the stability and peace of the Korean peninsular. On the other hand, it should be reminded that, during the Korean War, the Republic of Korea was attacked by North Korea, though it kept 53.3% of troops, compared to North Korea. It should also be reminded that, as of 2008, the ROK army is defending its territory with the troops 55.04% of North Korea. Moreover, the national defense is assisted by 25,120 troops of the US Forces in Korea. In case the total number of the ROK troops falls below 43.4% of the North Korean army, it may cause social unrest about the national security and may lead North Korea's misjudgement. Besides, according to Lanchester strategy, the party with weaker military power (60% compared to the party with stronger military power) has the 4.1% of winning possibility. Therefore, if we consider the fact that the total number of the ROK army troops is 55.04% of that of the North Korean army, the winning possibility of the ROK army is not higher than 4.1%. If the total number of ROK troops is reduced to 43.4% of that of North Korea, the winning possibility will be lower and the military operations will be in critically difficult situation. [Military Reform Plan 2020] rums at the reduction of troops and units of the ground forces under the policy of 'select few'. However, the problem is that the financial support to achieve this goal is not secured. Therefore, the promotion of [Military Reform Plan 2020] may cause the weakening of military defence power in 2020. Some advanced countries such as Japan, UK, Germany, and France have promoted the policy of 'select few'. However, what is to be noted is that the national security situation of those countries is much different from that of Korea. With the collapse of the Soviet Unions and European communist countries, the military threat of those European advanced countries has almost disappeared. In addition, the threats those advanced countries are facing are not wars in national level, but terrorism in international level. To cope with the threats like terrorism, large scaled army trops would not be necessary. So those advanced European countries can promote the policy of 'select few'. In line with this, those European countries put their focuses on the development of military sections that deal with non-military operations and protection from unspecified enemies. That is, those countries are promoting the policy of 'select few', because they found that the policy is suitable for their national security environment. Moreover, since they are pursuing common interest under the European Union(EU) and they can form an allied force under NATO, it is natural that they are pursing the 'select few' policy. At present, NATO maintains the larger number of troops(2,446,000) than Russia(l,027,000) to prepare for the potential threat of Russia. The situation of japan is also much different from that of Korea. As a country composed of islands, its prime military focus is put on the maritime defense. Accordingly, the development of ground force is given secondary focus. The japanese government promotes the policy to develop technology-concentrated small size navy and air-forces, instead of maintaining large-scaled ground force. In addition, because of the 'Peace Constitution' that was enacted just after the end of World War II, japan cannot maintain troops more than 240,000. With the limited number of troops (240,000), japan has no choice but to promote the policy of 'select few'. However, the situation of Korea is much different from the situations of those countries. The Republic of Korea is facing the threat of the North Korean Army that aims at keeping a large-scale military force. In addition, the countries surrounding Korea are also super powers containing strong military forces. Therefore, to cope with the actual threat of present and unspecified threat of future, the importance of maintaining a carefully calculated large-scale military force cannot be denied. Furthermore, when considering the fact that Korea is in a peninsular, the Republic of Korea must take it into consideration the tradition of continental countries' to maintain large-scale military powers. Since the Korean War, the ROK army has developed the technology-force combined military system, maintaining proper number of troops and units and pursuing 'select few' policy at the same time. This has been promoted with the consideration of military situation in the Koran peninsular and the cooperation of ROK-US combined forces. This kind of unique military system that cannot be found in other countries can be said to be an insightful one for the preparation for the actual threat of North Korea and the conflicts between continental countries and maritime countries. In addition, this kind of technology-force combined military system has enabled us to keep peace in Korea. Therefore, it would be desirable to maintain this technology-force combined military system until the reunification of the Korean peninsular. Furthermore, it is to be pointed out that blindly following the 'select few' policy of advanced countries is not a good option, because it is ignoring the military strategic situation of the Korean peninsular. If the Republic of Korea pursues the reduction of troops and units radically without consideration of the threat of North Korea and surrounding countries, it could be a significant strategic mistake. In addition, the ROK army should keep an eye on the fact the European advanced countries and Japan that are not facing direct military threats are spending more defense expenditures than Korea. If the ROK army reduces military power without proper alternatives, it would exert a negative effect on the stable economic development of Korea and peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsular. Therefore, the desirable option would be to focus on the development of quality of forces, maintaining proper size and number of troops and units under the technology-force combined military system. The tableau above shows that the advanced countries like the UK, Germany, Italy, and Austria spend more defense expenditure per person than the Republic of Korea, although they do not face actual military threats, and that they keep achieving better economic progress than the countries that spend less defense expenditure. Therefore, it would be necessary to adopt the merits of the defense systems of those advanced countries. As we have examined, it would be desirable to maintain the current size and number of troops and units, to promote 'select few' policy with increased defense expenditure, and to strengthen the technology-force combined military system. On the basis of firm national security, the Republic of Korea can develop efficient policies for reunification and prosperity, and jump into the status of advanced countries. Therefore, the plans to reduce troops and units in [Military Reform Plan 2020] should be reexamined. If it is difficult for the ROK army to maintain its size of 655,000 troops because of low birth rate, the plans to establish the prompt mobilization force or to adopt drafting system should be considered for the maintenance of proper number of troops and units. From now on, the Republic of Korean government should develop plans to keep peace as well as to prepare unexpected changes in the Korean peninsular. For the achievement of these missions, some options can be considered. The first one is to maintain the same size of military troops and units as North Korea. The second one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea in terms of military force index. The third one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea, with the combination of the prompt mobilization force and the troops in active service under the system of technology-force combined military system. At present, it would be not possible for the ROK army to maintain such a large-size military force as North Korea (1,190,000 troops and 86 units). So it would be rational to maintain almost the same level of military force as North Korea with the combination of the troops on the active list and the prompt mobilization forces. In other words, with the combination of the troops in active service (60%) and the prompt mobilization force (40%), the ROK army should develop the strategies to harmonize technology and forces. The Korean government should also be prepared for the strategic flexibility of USFK, the possibility of American policy change about the location of foreign army, radical unexpected changes in North Korea, the emergence of potential threat, surrounding countries' demand for Korean force for the maintenance of regional stability, and demand for international cooperation against terrorism. For this, it is necessary to develop new approaches toward the proper number and size of troops and units. For instance, to prepare for radical unexpected political or military changes in North Korea, the Republic of Korea should have plans to protect a large number of refugees, to control arms and people, to maintain social security, and to keep orders in North Korea. From the experiences of other countries, it is estimated that 115,000 to 230,000 troops, plus ten thousands of police are required to stabilize the North Korean society, in the case radical unexpected military or political change happens in North Korea. In addition, if the Republic of Korea should perform the release of hostages, control of mass destruction weapons, and suppress the internal wars in North Korea, it should send 460,000 troops to North Korea. Moreover, if the Republic of Korea wants to stop the attack of North Korea and flow of refugees in DMZ area, at least 600,000 troops would be required. In sum, even if the ROK army maintains 600,000 troops, it may need additional 460,000 troops to prepare for unexpected radical changes in North Korea. For this, it is necessary to establish the prompt mobilization force whose size and number are almost the same as the troops in active service. In case the ROK army keeps 650,000 troops, the proper number of the prompt mobilization force would be 460,000 to 500,000.

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국방분야 민간자원의 효율적 활용방안 - 정비, 보급, 수송, 교육훈련분야를 중심으로 - (Efficient Utilization of Private Resources for the National Defense - Focused on maintenance, supply, transportation, training & education -)

  • 박균용
    • 안보군사학연구
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    • 통권9호
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    • pp.313-340
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    • 2011
  • The National Defense Reformation bill of "National Defense Reformation 2020" which have been constantly disputed and reformed by the government went through various levels of complementary measures after the North Korean sinking on the Republic of Korea (ROK) Naval Vessel "Cheonan". The final outcome of this reform is also known as the 307 Plan and this was announced on the 8th March. The reformed National Defense Reformation is to reduce the number of units and military personnel under the military structure reformation. However, in order for us to undertake successful National Defense Reformation, the use of privatized civilian resources are essential. Therefore according to this theory, the ROK Ministry of National Defense (MND) have selected the usage of privatized resources as one of the main core agenda for the National Defense Reformation management procedures, and under this agenda the MND plans to further expand the usage of private Especially the MND plans to minimize the personnel resources applied in non-combat areas and in turn use these supplemented personnel with optimization. In order to do this, the MND have initiated necessary appropriate analysis over the whole national defense section by understanding various projects and acquisition requests required by each militaries and civilian research institutions. However for efficient management of privatized civilian resources, first of all, those possible efficient private resources which can achieve optimization will need to be identified, and secondly continuous systematic reinforcements will need to be made in private resource usage legislations. Furthermore, we would need to consider the possibility of labor disputes because of privatization expansion. Therefore, full legal and systematic complementary measures are required in all possible issue arising areas which can affect the combat readiness posture. There is another problem of huge increase in operational expenses as reduction of standby forces are only reducing the number of soldiers and filling these numbers with more cost expensive commissioned officers. However, to overcome this problem, we would need to reduce the number of positions available for active officers and fill these positions with military reserve personnel who previously had working experiences with the related positions (thereby guaranteeing active officers re-employment after completing active service). This would in tum maintain the standards of combat readiness posture and reduce necessary financial budgets which may newly arise. The area of maintenance, supply, transportation, training & education duties which are highly efficient when using privatized resources, will need to be transformed from military management based to civilian management based system. For maintenance, this can be processed by integrating National Maintenance Support System. In order for us to undertake this procedure, we would need to develop maintenance units which are possible to be privatized and this will in turn reduce the military personnel executing job duties, improve service quality and prevent duplicate investments etc. For supply area, we will need to establish Integrated Military Logistics Center in-connection with national and civilian logistics system. This will in turn reduce the logistics time frame as well as required personnel and equipments. In terms of transportation, we will need to further expand the renting and leasing system. This will need to be executed by integrating the National Defense Transportation Information System which will in turn reduce the required personnel and financial budgets. Finally for training and education, retired military personnel can be employed as training instructors and at the military academy, further expansion in the number of civilian professors can be employed in-connection with National Defense Reformation. In other words, more active privatized civilian resources will need to be managed and used for National Defense Reformation.

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방사선 치료 후 폐암환자의 운동부하 심.폐 기능의 초기변화 (Early Response of Cardiopulmonary Exercise Test(CPET) in Patients with Locally Advanced Non-Small Cell Lung Cancer Treated with Radiation)

  • 신경철;이덕희;이관호
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • 제49권4호
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    • pp.466-473
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    • 2000
  • 연구배경 : 수술로 절제하기 어려운 국소진행성 제3기 비소세포 암은 주로 방사선 치료 단독 혹은 방사선 치료와 전신 항암화학요법을 병행하게 된다. 이 두 치료 방법은 잠재적으로 폐 기능을 손상시킬 수 있으며 기존의 폐 기능을 더욱 악화시키게 된다. 저자들은 국소진행성 폐암환자들에 대하여 방사선 치료 전 후 안정시 폐 기능과 운동시 심 폐 기능을 동시에 평가하여 방사선 치료가 실제 운동부하 심 폐 기능에 미치는 영향을 평가하였다. 대상 및 방법 : 수술로 절제할 수 없는 편평상피세포암을 가진 남자 11명에 대하여 방사선 치료 전과 치료 후 4주에 각각 흉부 X-선 검사 및 안정시 폐 기능 검사 그리고 운동부하 심 폐 기능 검사를 시행하였다. 운동부하 심 폐 기능 검사로 운동능력과 심 혈관계기능, 환기기능, 그리고 가스교환기능에 대하여 측정하였다. 방사선 치료는 일일 1.8Gy로 일 주일에 5회 시행하여, 8주 동안 70Gy를 시행하였다. 결과 : 저자들의 연구로 방사선 치료 전 후 다음과 같은 결과를 얻었다. 1) 최대산소섭취량($VO_2$max), 이산화탄소생성량($VCO_2$), 운동지속시간 그리고 운동수행능력의 차이는 없었다. 2) 산소맥($O_2$ pulse) 및 심박동수, 그리고 예비심박동수(heart rate reserve)의 변화도 없었다. 3) 최대분당환기량(VEmax) 및 상시호흡량 그리고 예비호흡의 변화도 없었다. 4) 운동부하 심 폐 기능 검사 중 대부분의 환자는 호흡곤란과 다리근육의 피로로 더 이상 운동을 할 수 없었다. 5) 안정시 폐 기능 검사 결과 노력성 폐활량(FVC) 과 1초간 노력성 호기량($FEV_1$)의 변화는 없었으나 폐확산능(DLCO)은 치료 전 후 각각 85%, 74%로 약 11%의 감소가 있었지만 통계적으로 유의 하지는 않았다. 결론 : 방사선 치료 후 4주에 평가한 국소진행성 폐암환자의 운동부하 심 폐 기능 검사 결과 치료 전에 비하여 운동능력 및 심 혈관계기능, 환기기능, 그리고 폐포의 가스교환기능의 차이는 없었다. 결론적으로 폐암환자는 방사선 치료 후 운동부하 심 폐 기능의 저하는 단기간 내 일어나지 않는 것으로 생각된다.

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