• Journal of Chest Surgery
• /
• v.42 no.6
• /
• pp.725-731
• /
• 2009

Background: Lobectomy and more extended anatomic resection are regarded as standard treatment for stage Ia non-small cell lung cancer, but approximately 15~40% of patients suffer from treatment failures such as cancer recurrence or death. The authors analyzed types and causes of treatment failures in surgically treated cases of stage Ia non small cell lung cancer. Material and Method: We retrospectively reviewed the medical records of 156 patients who had undergone complete resection for stage Ia NSCLC between Jan 1992 and Aug 2005. Patients were divided into two different treatment failure groups: cancer-related deaths and non-cancer-related deaths. Risk factors were analyzed in each group by the Kaplan-Meyer survival method and the Cox proportional hazard model. Result: Among the 156 patients, 93 were males; the mean age was 61. The median follow-up period was 33.8 months. The 5 year survival rate was 87.6%. Microscopic lympho-vascular permeation was reported in 10 patients. Recurrence was reported in 19 patients and 12 patients died due to recurrent lung cancer. Noncancer related deaths occurred in 16 patients. Risk factors for cancer recurrence and cancer related death were microscopic lympho-vascular permeation (HR=6.81, p=0.007, HR=7.81, p<0.001); for non-cancer related death, risk factors were pneumonectomy (HR=25.92, p=0.001) and postoperative cardiopulmonary complications (HR=29.67, p=0.002). Conclusion: After complete resection of stage Ia non small cell lung cancer patients, mortality includes not only cancer related deaths but also cancer unrelated deaths. Adjuvant chemotherapy is advised for patients who show microscopic lympho-vascular permeation, which is a risk factor for recurrence and for cancer related death. Patients who had pneumonectomy or who suffered from cardiac or respiratory complications need meticulous care in order to reduce comorbidity-induced death.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.54 no.4
• /
• pp.192-211
• /
• 2021

In Seongju, Gyengsangbuk-do, the Placenta Chamber (胎室, Taesil) of 18 sons and a son of the crown prince of King Sejong(世宗大王) is located in one place. Taesil refers to the place where the umbilical cord and placenta, which are separated when the baby is born, are placed in a jar made of pottery and stone box and then buried on the ground. The placenta chamber in Seongju has the Buncheong ware (粉靑沙器) cover buried on the ground to protect the baby's placenta. These covers are all hemispherical, with a diameter of more the 20cm. The decorations were made using black and white inlaid techniques only on the outside. The Buncheong ware cover with this shape and pattern has been confirmed only in the placenta chamber in Seongju. This study targets 6 of the Buncheong ware cover whose owners were identified, when and where they were prepared, what the stylistic features and meanings are, and where it was produced. The results of the study are as follows. First, ss a result of reviewing the production background and procurement system of this bowl, it was inferred that it was sourced from Jangheunggo (長興庫) at the central government office, between 1436 and 1439, when the event to bury the placenta of royal members in the ground was the most active. Second, it analyzed the unique features of this cover, such as the shape, pattern, and baked traces. The shape and pattern were compared to the ritual objects contained in the Sejong Silok Oryeui (『世宗實錄』 「五禮」, Five Rites of King Sejong Chronicle) and the lid of the royal placenta jar made in the 15th and 16th centuries. Third, this study suggests that the baking method was based on the shape and location of the traces remaining outside the cover. Finally, the following data were used to estimate the production site: the relationship with the 'Jagiso (磁器所, ceramic workshop) registered in the Sejong Silok Jiriji (『世宗實錄』 「地理志」, Geographical Appendix of King Sejong Chronicle); various records of contribution and dedication about the Buncheong ware made here; and the Buncheong ware and related tools excavated from the kiln site in the area. The place where the Buncheong ware cover was produced is estimated to be the most likely production site for the kiln site in Chunghyo-dong Kiln Site, located in Jeolla-do province by synthesizing the data above.

• Knowledge Management Research
• /
• v.22 no.3
• /
• pp.273-293
• /
• 2021

Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the size of the e-commerce has been increased rapidly. This pandemic, which made contact-less communication culture in everyday life made the e-commerce market to be opened even to the consumers who would hesitate to purchase and pay by electronic device without any personal contacts and seeing or touching the real products. Consumers who have experienced the easy access and convenience of the online purchase would continue to take those advantages even after the pandemic. During this time of transformation, however, the size of information source for the consumers has become even shrunk into a flat screen and limited to visual only. To provide differentiated and competitive information on products, companies are adopting AR/VR and steaming technologies but the reviews from the honest users need to be recognized as important in that it is regarded as strong as the well refined product information provided by marketing professionals of the company and companies may obtain useful insight for product development, marketing and sales strategies. Then from the consumer's point of view, if the ratings of reviews are widely diverged how consumers would process the review information before purchase? Are non-converged ratings always unreliable and worthless? In this study, we analyzed how consumer's regulatory focus moderate the attitude to process the diverged information. This experiment was designed as a 2x2 factorial study to see how the variance of product review ratings (high vs. low) for cosmetics affects product attitudes by the consumers' regulatory focus (prevention focus vs. improvement focus). As a result of the study, it was found that prevention-focused consumers showed high product attitude when the review variance was low, whereas promotion-focused consumers showed high product attitude when the review variance was high. With such a study, this thesis can explain that even if a product with exactly the same average rating, the converged or diverged review can be interpreted differently by customer's regulatory focus. This paper has a theoretical contribution to elucidate the mechanism of consumer's information process when the information is not converged. In practice, as reviews and sales records of each product are accumulated, as an one of applied knowledge management types with big data, companies may develop and provide even reinforced customer experience by providing personalized and optimized products and review information.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.36
• /
• pp.415-440
• /
• 2018

On September 23, 2015, the Ministry of Education announced the 2015 revision of educational curriculum which aimed at 'cultivating creative talents' based on the Article 23, Section 2 of the Elementary and Secondary Education Law. As a result, music curriculum have also been partially revised, which seems to maintain the 2009 revision of music curriculum. Although Jeongganbo 井間譜 is already exposed in the music curriculum for the third and forth grades of elementary school, the learning content about how to read Jeongganbo and how to express the pitch and length of sound including the origin of its name and the background of its invention are dealt with specifically in the fifth and sixth grades. Jeongganbo is known as the oldest mensural notation in the Orient created by King Sejong of the Joseon Dynasty in the middle of the $15^{th}$ century, and it was used for the first time in Sejong sillok akbo 世宗實錄樂譜 (Scores in the Annals of King Sejong), the oldest musical score still in existence. However, in the music textbooks as well as the most of specialized books related to the Korean traditional music, it is uncritically accepted without providing clear grounds that Sejong invented Jeongganbo himself. If so, it is necessary to investigate on which grounds it is claimed that Sejong invented Jeongganbo. This paper first examined the grounds of the proposition that "Sejong invented Jeongganbo," which is introduced in the music textbooks for the fifth and sixth grades of elementary school, by separating it into Sejong's creation of Sinak 新樂 (new music), Sejo's invention of Jeongganbo and Sejong's invention of Hangeul. Next, this paper examined how the subject of the invention of Jeongganbo has been described in the textbooks for the fifth and sixth grades in elementary school based on the 2009 revision of music curriculum, and suggested the direction of a desirable music education by pointing out the related problems. According to historical records and circumstances such as Sejong's creation of Sinak, Sejo's invention of Jeongganbo with 16 Jeonggan (square) in one vertical line, Sejong's invention of Hangeul and so on, it seems to be the most reasonable that Sejong is the subject of the invention of Jeongganbo as of now. However, the attitude of the musical academy to accept and educate the unclear thing as if it is a fact does not seem desirable. Therefore, I suggest that it should be described "Jeongganbo was invented in the period of Sejong" or "it is supposed that Jeongganbo was invented by Sejong" rather than presenting "Sejong made Jeongganbo" or "created" until revealing the clear evidence about the subject of Jeongganbo.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.20
• /
• pp.31-61
• /
• 2010

This thesis proposes to explore the theatre aesthetics of North-Korea during after the Liberation. From now South-Korean theorists have provided the theatre aesthetics of North-Korea to South-Korea, so we can say that it lacks of an equity. For example, South-theorists have said that North-Korean theatre only emphasized politics and propaganda, they have had not any aesthetics in performance. So this study focused on North-Korean critics and records for fairness and as a result something new is founded. The best theatres in North-Korea were some works which contains natural and proper lines to character, well-expressed inner desires of characters, realistic acting and stage design, and realistic life of working class. Of course they should reflect communist ideology and policy, but more important is that it did not mean everything in North-Korea. So we can say that it is fact that North-Korea should reflect their policy, which does not mean lack of aesthetics of performance. North-Korea had an obvious point of view for theatre, and they made an effort to realistic lines, movements and stage. During right after the Liberation, North Korea sought to find an answer for 'realization of true life', and sought to eliminate Japanese acting style in theatre. Concluded theatre aesthetics of North-Korea during right after the Liberation is realistic acting and directing style.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.47 no.4
• /
• pp.136-161
• /
• 2014

This paper investigates the Buddhist sculpture and wall-painting enshrined in the halls of Bunhwangsa (Bunhwang temple) at Gyeongju in the mid-Silla period, which are thoroughly unknown to us except through textual records of Samgukyusa compiled by Priest Ilyeon in the late thirteenth century. According to Samgukyusa, a clay portrait-sculpture of Monk Wonhyo, made by his son Seolchong, was placed in Bunhwangsa. This image faced to the side, because he turned his body toward Seolchong when Seolchong bowed to this image. This story suggests that the portrait image of Wonhyo was most likely made after the Vimalakirti images, which were popular in China from the Six Dynasties period on, especially the Vimalakirti images of the early Tang period, turning his head and body toward Bodhisattva Manjusi seated opposite. The Vimalakirti image of Seokkuram might show the portrait image of Wonhyo. A wall-painting of a Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara who has a thousand arms with a thousand eyes, called by the name 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands', was enshrined on the north wall of the left hall of Bunhwangsa. During King Gyeondeok's reign, Himyeong and her five-year-old blind child prayed before this image, and the blind child gained eyesight. While praying, they sang a song pleading for one of the thousand eyes which the Bodhisattva had in his hands. This song implies that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara had a thousand eyes, one painted on each hand. The fact that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara of Bunhwangsa was called 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands' indicates that this painting was based on the scripture Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara Sutra translated by Bhagavaddharma in about 655, in the Tang period, which also has 'Great Mercy' in its title. In the year 755, a gilt bronze image of Medicine Buddha was made in Bunhwangsa, using nearly 61 tons of bronze to cast. The huge amount of bronze suggests it includes not only the Buddha statue but many other images such as two attendant Bodhisattvas of Suryaprabha and Candraprabha, Eight Great Bodhisattvas, or Twelve Guardians. Seven images of Medicine Buddha might have been made in accordance with the scriptural text of Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra translated by Monk Yijing. Textual evidence and recent excavation have revealed that seven images of Medicine Buddha and their whole attendant images based on Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra were made in the Nara period from 751 to 762 when Queen Gomyo contructed Sinyakusiji temple for the recovery of her husband Shomu. It is fair to assume that one or seven Medicine Buddhas and a whole group of his (their) attendant images were made for the main hall of Bunhwangsa temple in 755.

• Korean Journal of Psychosomatic Medicine
• /
• v.26 no.2
• /
• pp.188-193
• /
• 2018

Objectives : Clozapine is a widely prescribed antipsychotic drug for schizophrenia and is known to increase the risk of cardiovascular disease due to its metabolic side effects. However, little is known about the effect of clozapine on the platelet activation, another important factor in the development of cardiovascular disease. In this study, we tried to investigate the effect of clozapine on platelet activity in patients with schizophrenia by comparing the mean platelet component (MPC) values before and after the clozapine administration. Methods : A retrospective review of medical records of patients with schizophrenia, who newly started clozapine treatment from September 1st, 2003 to April 30th, 2007 at the Department of Psychiatry, Konyang University Hospital in Republic of Korea was performed. The final statistical analysis included 14 participants. Bayer ADVIA $120^{(R)}$ system was used to measure MPC. Results : Among the 14 participants, five subjects were males (28.60%), and ten subjects were females (71.40%). The mean age of participants was $37.50{\pm}11.64years$. Average of duration of illness was $91.00{\pm}93.96months$, with the mean dosage of clozapine taken by participants at the time of the last blood test was $337.50{\pm}109.52mg$. The mean MPC measurement before and after receiving clozapine was $26.12{\pm}2.22g/dL$ and $25.14{\pm}2.08g/dL$ respectively. Wilcoxon signed rank test showed that there was a statistically significant decrease in MPC levels after clozapine administration (V=16, p=0.024). Conclusions : Decreased MPC levels after clozapine administration implies that clozapine may increase platelet activation which could have an adverse effect on the occurrence of thromboembolic disease. Our findings also suggest that careful monitoring of the risk factors of cardiovascular diseases, such as platelets activity, is necessary when administering clozapine.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.34
• /
• pp.9-42
• /
• 2017

Of all Geommu(劍舞, Korean sword dance), Gisaeng-Geommu danced by gisaeng(妓生, Korean female entertainers) for private guests and at the royal court. The Sword dance in the late Joseon Dynasty used to be dynamic exuding menacing "sword spirit(劍氣)." Sword dance being transmitted today is more ritualistic and elegant. This study considers Korean sword dance has a core structure and motifs transcending generational differences, and based on this critical thinking, aims to analyze the structure of Korean sword dance. This study analyzed the prose "Geommugi(劍舞記)" by Park Je-ga(朴齊家) and the poem "Mugeompyeonjeongmiin(舞劍篇贈美人)" by Jeong Yak-yong(丁若鏞) out of literary works from the late Joseon Dynasty, and from official records of rituals(笏記), "Geomgimu(Sword Dance, 劍器舞)" and "Geommu" in "Gyobanggayo(敎坊歌謠)." In the introduction part of Sword dance, a dancer appears, bows and performs a hand dance or hansam(汗衫) dance to and fro. In the development part, a dancer meets with a sword but first hesitates to hold it and dances holding swords in both hands. The climax shows expert sword skills and combat scenes. In the conclusion part, the court dance involves a dancer bidding a formal farewell, while the dance for entertainment, a dance throws away the sword to finish. From literature materials, the structure of Korean sword dance could be divided into an introduction, a development, a climax and a conclusion. Based on this, this study analyzed sword dance movements by linking the beats accompanying the current sword dance, in the order of a Yeombul, the traditional Korean ballad Taryeong or Neujeun Taryeong, Jajin Taryeong, Taryeong and Jajin Taryeong. The introduction part includes a Buddhist prayer and the beginning of Taryeong. Dancers appear, and in two rows they dance facing each other. On the slow beat, their dances are relaxed and elegant. The development part is matched with Jajin Taryeong. Dancers sit in front of swords and grab them, and they dance holding a pair of swords. The beat gradually becomes faster, progressing the development of the dance. But then, the slower Taryeong is placed again. The reason behind it is to create a tension for a little while, before effectively reaching a climax by speeding up the tempo again. Moving on to Jajin Taryeong, dancers' movements are bigger and more dynamic. The highly elated Jajin Taryeong shows dance movements at the climax on fast, robust beats. In the conclusion part, the beat is quick-tempo and on the upbeat again on Jajin Taryeong. Driving on without a stop on the exciting Yeonpungdae(燕風臺) melody, dancers standing in a line dance wielding the swords and bow before finishing.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.36
• /
• pp.185-221
• /
• 2018

This study examined the process of the formation of Deoneum, Sugungga(水宮歌), and its tendency of the change through the trace of the Pansori masters who worked in 19th century. The time that the main group of the Sugungga masters appeared in the Pansory history is estimated in early 19th century. The Sugungga masters in this time could be divided in two groups, one is the early days masters who worked in early 19th century and the other is the latter days masters who worked in middle and late 19th century. Kwon Sam-deuk(權三得), Song Heung-lok(宋興祿), Yeom Gyeo-dal(廉季達), and Shin Man-yeob(申萬葉) are the Sugungga masters who worked in early 19th century. By the records they left, I could confirm that they used the description about the dramatic characteristics in the work and Soritjo(Pansori master's tonality), like the appearance of 'Bangge(crab)' and 'Tiger', and particularly they developed which has the scene of the Rabbit's deceiving the Dragon King and Rabbit's return, 'Goandaejangja(寬大長者)', 'Gaja-Eoseoga', 'Sojinowha(笑指蘆花)', 'Apnae-Beodeuleun' and the scene of 'Rabbit's curse(the part that Rabbit curses Byeljubu)' etc. I could understand that the interest of the early days Pansori masters about Sugungga is on the characters and the latter part of the work. The separation of Dongpyeonje(東便制) and Seopyeonje(西便制) of Pansori was done in the middle and late 19th century. As the Dongpyeonje master, Song Wu-ryong(宋雨龍), Park Man-sun(朴萬順), Song Man-gab(宋萬甲), Shin Hak-jun(申鶴俊) and Yu Seong-jun(劉成俊) worked. As the Seopyeonje masters, Park Yu-jeon(朴裕全), Kim geo-bok(金巨福), Kim Su-yeong(金壽永) and Baek Gyeong-jun(白慶順) etc. sang Sugungga. The Dongpyeonje masters developed the 'Toggigibyeon(토끼奇變)' related Deoneum paying attention on the latter part of Sugungga same as the early days masters. Meanwhile it looks like that they had interest in developing the parts which belong to the middle and early parts of Sugungga like 'Toggiwhasang(토끼畵像)', 'Gogocheonbyeon(皐皐天邊)' and 'Tobyeolmundab(兎鱉問答)'. The Seopyeonje masters developed the parts belong to the early part of Sugungga, which are related to Dragon King and the courtiers in Sugung palace, like 'YongwangTansik(龍王歎息)'. And I could confirm that they developed the parts influenced by Shin Jaehyo's editorials like 'Tosahobi(兎死狐悲)' and 'Goguksancheon(故國山川)' etc. In short, I could confirm the trend that the Pansori masters in 19th century had interest in from the latter part to the early part of Sugungga. If taking a look focusing on main characters, they moved their interest in from Rabbit to the courtiers including Byeoljubu(鱉主簿) and Dragon King in Sugung palace, and it could say that, in this trend, Sori part and Deoneum were developed.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.45 no.3
• /
• pp.80-99
• /
• 2012

It is known that there are two Gabong taesil (shrine for King's umbilical cord) of King Danjong, the 6th king of Joseon, remaining today. One of them is Mt. Sogok in Sacheon-city, Gyeongsangnam-do and the other is Mt. Beomnim in Seongju-gun, Gyeongsangbuk-do. The academic sector argued about this matter as there cannot be two Gabong taesil for one king. I once argued that Taesil on Mt. Beomnim in Seongju is King Danjong's Gabong taesil and Danjong taesil in Sacheon is the one for Prince Inseongdaegun, the eldest son of King Yejong. At that time, however, I had not examined the archaeological relics found in these places. In result of making an archaeological approach, I have come to the following conclusions :1. King Danjong had two Taesil : Agi taesil(shrine for baby's umbilical cord) and Gabong taesil. The first Agi taesil was created on Taebong of Mt. Seonseok in Seongju on November 26, 1441, but was moved to Mt. Beomnim in Seongju in 1451 to form the second Agi taesil. In 1458, King Sejo eliminated his Taesil. The stone structures of Gabong taesil still remains on Taebong of Mt. Beomnim, so it has been assumed that King Danjong established them during his reign (1452-1455). 2. Taesil in Sacheon has been known as King Danjong's Taesil because of King Danjong's reinstatement during the reign of King Sukjong. His Taesil was repaired with the reinstatement and King Sukjong was mistaken that Taesil in Sacheon was King Danjong's Taesil to fix it. The time of restoration has been assumed to be soon after the restoration of King Danjong's tomb (1699-1719). Taesil is missing the book of records and rails around the stone structure because the tombs of reinstated kings were restored without rails. 3. It is incorrect that Taesil in Sacheon was known as King Danjong's Taesil, It has been concluded that this Taesil was for Prince Inseongdaegun who was born in 1462. I focused on the fact that Prince Inseongdaegun's Taesil was in Seosamneung Taesil instead of King Danjong's Taesil. When Yiwangjik stored King Danjong's Taesil in Seoul in 1928 and moved it to Seosamneung in 1930, he found that the epitaph on the tombstone recorded that it was Prince Inseongdaegun, not King Danjong, and created Prince Inseongdaegun's Taesil in Seosamneung. I referred to "Taebong", which was created when Seosamneung Taesil was built during the Japanese imperial rule over Joseon, and the relics found in Taesil in Sacheon and Seosamneung.