• Korean Journal of Environmental Biology
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• v.37 no.1
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• pp.42-47
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• 2019

This experiment was conducted to investigate the effects of pH on the mineral nutrient uptake and growth of the four Chinese chives species. The Chinese chives species used in the experiment were the cultivated species grown in the farm (cultivated Allium tuberosum) and three wild species of wild Allium tuberosum, A. thunbergii and A. senescens. The pH levels of soil medium were set to be 4.5, 6.5, and 7.5. Fresh weight(FW) of cultivated A. tuberosum was highest at all pH levels. The increase of soil pH increased the FW of the wild A. tuberosum and A. thunbergii, but no difference was noted for the A. tuberosum and A. senescens. Plant height was higher in the order of wild A. tuberosum, A. thunbergii, and cultivated A. tuberosum and A. thunbergii. Notably plant height of the wild A. tuberosum increased significantly by the pH increase. The Zn content of the wild A. tuberosum was shown to be significantly higher than that of the other species and increased with the increase of soil pH. This indicates that there is a close relationship between the plant height and Zn content in Chinese chives plant. Principal component analysis for characterizing closely related A. species using the factors of plant growth and amounts of nutrients uptake showed that the cultivated A. and wild A. tuberosum were in the $4^{th}$ quadrant of the graph which are classified as the same species, while A. senescens and thunbergii was in $1^{st}$ and $3^{rd}$ quadrant indicating different species, respectively.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.327-348
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• 2004

In this study, after analyzing several local climate characteristics of South Korea, I validated distribution, invasion, foraging, underground activities, attack season as ecological characteristics and also temperature, relative humidity, and tree species as preference characteristics of Korean termites (Reticulitermes speratus kyushuensis Morimoto). Especially, southern part of the Korean peninsula is a suitable area for inhabitation and motion of termites holding same ecological characteristic like R. speratus kyushuensis. Busan is a neighboring district at field distribution north limiting temperature of Coptotermes formosanus Shiraki and Chuncheon is a passing area through the Korean Peninsula of field distribution north limiting temperature of Reticulitermes speratus Kolbe. The termite attack of wood devices was about 34.5% for 3 years in the forest of Jongmyo. Although the attack rate of termite increased each year, the detection rate decreased and the missing rate was high by degrees. I confirmed a foraging habits which is a part of termite colony was a role of continuous decomposition and another was a role of new food hunt as experimental results. The foraging termites were found under ground at Jongmyo in Seoul from April to November in the 2001 and the most active period was on July and August. The termite invasion rate of bait station increased in every monitoring. Through the increasing attack rate of bait station during 2nd monitoring (November, 2000) and 3rd monitoring(March, 2001), I confirmed that termites moved into the deep underground in winter, and were working continuously to forage. R. speratus kyushuensis inhabiting at the Korean Peninsula is a species which has food consumption rate with higher temperature. The termite revealed the greatest amount of food(filter paper) at $30^{\circ}C$(90% RH), but showed increasing death rate at over $32^{\circ}C$. Also, survival rate of this termite was 97% at 84% RH($30^{\circ}C$), but killed 100% at 52% RH($30^{\circ}C$) and 70% RH($30^{\circ}C$). For wood feeding, this was observed the preference in a pine tree(Pinus densiflora) above all others. Survival of termites was high(87%) at a pine tree, but low(13.5%) at a paulownia tree(Paulownia coreana). In this study, I presented the biological characteristic of termite(R. speratus kyushuensis Morimoto) and confirmed the deterioration degree of termite on wooden cultural heritage in Korea. Depending on climate and soil temperature, each area in the southern part of the Korea Peninsula, has some different active period and different distribution of R. speratus kyushensis. With these results, I expect that this report helps to prepare the integrated pest management(IPM) of the termite on wooden cultural heritage in Korea, and it may help to reduce the economical loss from termite damage in Korea.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.36
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• pp.5-38
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• 2003

The history of Baekje Kingdom, one of the Three kingdoms, is divided into three periods to the change of sociopolitical center, including its capital as follows: Hanseong Period (18 BC ~ AD 475), Ungjin Period (AD 475~538), and Sabi Period (AD 538~660). Though the Hanseong Period of Baekje Kingdom covers more than two thirds of the whole history of Baekje Kingdom (493 years), history and archaeological culture of the Hanseong Period is still unclear and even ambiguous comparing to the Ungjin and Sabi periods. Most of all, it is because of quite limited historical records and archaeological data available. In addition, negative attitude of the Korean academic circles to the early records of Samguksaki(三國史記) has been a critical obstacle to the study of early history of the Three kingdoms, including the Hanseong Period of Baekje kingdom. Author, who has attempted to combine historical records and archaeological data in order to reconstruct the history and archaeological culture of the early Baekje, specifically the Hanseong Period, has held positive attitude to the early records of the Samguksaki as far as possible. He(Author) came to realize that comprehensive understanding of Mahan (馬韓) society, one of the Three Han (三韓) Society was more than essential in the study of Baekje. According to historical records and archaeological data, Mahan Society represented by Mojiguk(目支國) ruled by King Jin(辰王) has been located in the middle and/or southwestern parts of the Korean peninsula from the 3rd~2nd century BC through the end of the 5th century or early 6th century AD. Mahan already occupied central portion of the Korean Peninsula, including the Han River Valley when King Onjo(溫祖王) first set up the capital of Baekje Kingdom at Wiryeseong (慰 禮城) considered to be modern Jungrang~Songpa-gu area of Han River Valley. From the beginning of the Baekje history, there had been quite close interrelationships between Baekje and Mahan, and the interrelationships had lasted for around 500 years. In other words, it is impossible to attempt to understand and study Hanseong period of Baekje, without considering the historical and archaeological identity of Mahan. According to the Samguksaki, Baekje moved its capital three times during the Hanseong Period (18 BC ~ AD 475) within the Han River Valley as follows: Wiryeseong at Jungrang-gu area of the Han River (河北慰禮城, 18 ~ 5 BC), Wiryeseong at Songpa-gu area of the Han River(河南慰禮城, 5 BC ~ AD 371), Hansan at Iseongsan fortress site(Historical site No. 422, 漢山, AD 371~391), and Hanseong at Chungung-dong of Hanam city(漢城, AD 391~475). Before 1990s, archaeological data of the Hanseong Period was quite limited, and archaeological culture of Mahan was not well defined. Only a few burial and fortress sites were reported to be archaeological remains of the early Baekje, and a few settlement and jar burial sites were assumed to be those of Mahan without clear definition of the Mahan Culture. Since 1990s, fortunately, a number of new archaeological sites of Hanseong Baekje and Mahan have been reported and investigated. Thanks to the new discoveries, there has been significant progress in the study of early Baekje and Mahan. In particular, a number of excavations of Pungnap-dong Fortress site(Historical site NO. 11, 1996~2003), considered to be the Wiryeseong at south of the Han River, the second capital of the Hanseong Baekje, provided critical archaeological evidence in the study of Hanseong Period of Baekje. Since the end of the 1990s, a number of sites have been reported in Gyeonggi, Chungcheong, and Jeolla provinces, as well. From these sites, archaeological features and artifacts representing distinctive cultural tradition of Mahan have been identified such as unstamped fortresses, pit houses cut into the rock, houses with lifted floor(掘立柱 건물), and potteries decorated with toothed wheel and bird's footprint designs. These cultural traditions reflected in the archaeological remains played a critical role to define and understand archaeological identity of the Mahan society. Moreover, archaeological data from these new sites reported in the middle and southwestern parts of the Korean Peninsular made it possible to postulate a hypothesis that the history of Mahan could be divided into three periods to the change of its sociopolitical center in relation with the Baekje Kingdom's political Situation as follows: Cheonan (天安) Period, Iksan(益山) Period, and Naju(羅州) Period. The change of Mahan's sociopolitical center is closely related to the sociopolitical expansion of the Hanseong Baekje.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.108 no.1
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• pp.88-96
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to understand when forest fire as a natural phenomenon becomes constructed as social issues in Korea; how the forest fire-related discourses in the editorials reflecting the social perceptions have been changed regarding the principal subject and the measures of the forest fire management; and whether the social perception on the forest fire affects the forest fire policy of the state. From the analysis of a total of 44 editorials related to forest fires from 1988 to 2017. By the using, in the forest fire-related editorials the social perceptions on forest fires are forest fire editorials categories, main keywords, contents of social perception on 'the main subject responsible for forest fire management,' 'forest fire prevention measures,' categorization, frequency analysis and context analysis of words used. It is found that in the first-period forest fire management measures were recognized as a part of the overall forest management. In the second period, the approaches of ecological management emerged on the part of forest fire management. As forest fires were managed as a type of social disaster during the third period, such perceptions were gradually reinforced that the state should protect the people from the forest fire. In the 3rd, 4th, and 5th National Forest Plan, the forest fire management policy of each period was focused in enlightening the general public, protecting forest resources ecosystems, and preventing loss of lives, respectively. As a result of the analysis of social perceptions and comparing them to the forest fire policies through the analysis of editorials on forest fires, it is found that the social perception on the forest fire and forest fire management plan has changed having interconnections.

• Korean Journal of Ichthyology
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• v.35 no.4
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• pp.263-269
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• 2023

This study aims to contribute to the research on resource recovery for the rapidly declining population of Liparis tanakae by observing the larval development process and the morphology of juveniles based on their growth. Natural spawning eggs collected in Yeosu were used for observing the process of egg development and larval morphology. The water temperature during the rearing process was maintained at 12.3~13.5℃ (average 12.7℃). The fertilized eggs had an egg diameter ranging from 1.57 to 1.79 mm (average 1.71 mm) and were spherical and adhesive. Within 4 hours 35 minutes after fertilization, they reached the two-cell stage, and after 74 hours 10 minutes, the formation of the yolk sac began. At 106 hours post-fertilization, a caudal fin appeared at the tail tip. Hatching began at 526 hours, and the larvae developed with the yolk sac positioned just behind the eyes. The newly hatched larvae had both the mouth and anus open. Melanophores appeared inside the lower jaw and around the tail on the third day after hatching. By the 16th day after hatching, most of the yolk was absorbed, and melanophores were visible in the head region. Finally, on the 63rd day after hatching, the head region significantly developed, and the body shape and mouth were similar to those of an adult fish, signifying the transition to the juvenile stage. This study will serve as valuable data for aquaculture techniques related to the conservation and restoration of fish species based on the hatching and juvenile morphology of Liparis tanakae.

• Journal of Chest Surgery
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• v.39 no.12 s.269
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• pp.879-890
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• 2006

Background: The dysfunction of multiple organs is found to be caused by reactive oxygen species as a major modulator of microvascular injury after hemorrhagic shock. Hemorrhagic shock, one of many causes inducing acute lung injury, is associated with increase in alveolocapillary permeability and characterized by edema, neutrophil infiltration, and hemorrhage in the interstitial and alveolar space. Aggressive and rapid fluid resuscitation potentially might increased the risk of pulmonary dysfunction by the interstitial edema. Therefore, in order to improve the pulmonary dysfunction induced by hemorrhagic shock, the present study was attempted to investigate how to reduce the inflammatory responses and edema in lung. Material and Method: Male Sprague-Dawley rats, weight 300 to 350 gm were anesthetized with ketamine(7 mg/kg) intramuscular Hemorrhagic Shock(HS) was induced by withdrawal of 3 mL/100 g over 10 min. through right jugular vein. Mean arterial pressure was then maintained at $35{\sim}40$ mmHg by further blood withdrawal. At 60 min. after HS, the shed blood and Ringer's solution or 5% albumin was infused to restore mean carotid arterial pressure over 80 mmHg. Rats were divided into three groups according to rectal temperature level($37^{\circ}C$[normothermia] vs $33^{\circ}C$[mild hypothermia]) and resuscitation fluid(lactate Ringer's solution vs 5% albumin solution). Group I consisted of rats with the normothermia and lactate Ringer's solution infusion. Group II consisted of rats with the systemic hypothermia and lactate Ringer's solution infusion. Group III consisted of rats with the systemic hypothermia and 5% albumin solution infusion. Hemodynamic parameters(heart rate, mean carotid arterial pressure), metabolism, and pulmonary tissue damage were observed for 4 hours. Result: In all experimental groups including 6 rats in group I, totally 26 rats were alive in 3rd stage. However, bleeding volume of group I in first stage was $3.2{\pm}0.5$ mL/100 g less than those of group II($3.9{\pm}0.8$ mL/100 g) and group III($4.1{\pm}0.7$ mL/100 g). Fluid volume infused in 2nd stage was $28.6{\pm}6.0$ mL(group I), $20.6{\pm}4.0$ mL(group II) and $14.7{\pm}2.7$ mL(group III), retrospectively in which there was statistically a significance between all groups(p<0.05). Plasma potassium level was markedly elevated in comparison with other groups(II and III), whereas glucose level was obviously reduced in 2nd stage of group I. Level of interleukine-8 in group I was obviously higher than that of group II or III(p<0.05). They were $1.834{\pm}437$ pg/mL(group I), $1,006{\pm}532$ pg/mL(group II), and $764{\pm}302$ pg/mL(group III), retrospectively. In histologic score, the score of group III($1.6{\pm}0.6$) was significantly lower than that of group I($2.8{\pm}1.2$)(p<0.05). Conclusion: In pressure-controlled hemorrhagic shock model, it is suggested that hypothermia might inhibit the direct damage of ischemic tissue through reduction of basic metabolic rate in shock state compared to normothermia. It seems that hypothermia should be benefit to recovery pulmonary function by reducing replaced fluid volume, inhibiting anti-inflammatory agent(IL-8) and leukocyte infiltration in state of ischemia-reperfusion injury. However, if is considered that other changes in pulmonary damage and inflammatory responses might induce by not only kinds of fluid solutions but also hypothermia, and that the detailed evaluation should be study.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.91-117
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• 2007

Through a simple study of the medical classics in the '$\bar{A}yurveda$', we have summarized them as follows. 1) Traditional Indian medicine started in the Ganges river area at about 1500 B. C. E. and traces of medical science can be found in the "Rigveda" and "Atharvaveda". 2) The "Charaka" and "$Su\acute{s}hruta$(妙聞集)", ancient texts from India, are not the work of one person, but the result of the work and errors of different doctors and philosophers. Due to the lack of historical records, the time of Charaka or $Su\acute{s}hruta$(妙聞)s' lives are not exactly known. So the completion of the "Charaka" is estimated at 1st${\sim}$2nd century C. E. in northwestern India, and the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" is estimated to have been completed in 3rd${\sim}$4th century C. E. in central India. Also, the "Charaka" contains details on internal medicine, while the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" contains more details on surgery by comparison. 3) '$V\bar{a}gbhata$', one of the revered Vriddha Trayi(triad of the ancients, 三醫聖) of the '$\bar{A}yurveda$', lived and worked in about the 7th century and wrote the "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ $A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ $h\d{r}daya$ $sa\d{m}hit\bar{a}$ $samhit\bar{a}$(八支集)" and "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$(八心集)", where he tried to compromise and unify the "Charaka" and "$Su\acute{s}hruta$". The "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$" was translated into Tibetan and Arabic at about the 8th${\sim}$9th century, and if we generalize the medicinal plants recorded in each the "Charaka", "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" and the "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$", there are 240, 370, 240 types each. 4) The 'Madhava' focused on one of the subjects of Indian medicine, '$Nid\bar{a}na$' ie meaning "the cause of diseases(病因論)", and in one of the copies found by Bower in 4th century C. E. we can see that it uses prescriptions from the "BuHaLaJi(布哈拉集)", "Charaka", "$Su\acute{s}hruta$". 5) According to the "Charaka", there were 8 branches of ancient medicine in India : treatment of the body(kayacikitsa), special surgery(salakya), removal of alien substances(salyapahartka), treatment of poison or mis-combined medicines(visagaravairodhikaprasamana), the study of ghosts(bhutavidya), pediatrics(kaumarabhrtya), perennial youth and long life(rasayana), and the strengthening of the essence of the body(vajikarana). 6) The '$\bar{A}yurveda$', which originated from ancient experience, was recorded in Sanskrit, which was a theorization of knowledge, and also was written in verses to make memorizing easy, and made medicine the exclusive possession of the Brahmin. The first annotations were 1060 for the "Charaka", 1200 for the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$", 1150 for the "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$", and 1100 for the "$Nid\bar{a}na$", The use of various mineral medicines in the "Charaka" or the use of mercury as internal medicine in the "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$", and the palpation of the pulse for diagnosing in the '$\bar{A}yurveda$' and 'XiZhang(西藏)' medicine are similar to TCM's pulse diagnostics. The coexistence with Arabian 'Unani' medicine, compromise with western medicine and the reactionism trend restored the '$\bar{A}yurveda$' today. 7) The "Charaka" is a book inclined to internal medicine that investigates the origin of human disease which used the dualism of the 'Samkhya', the natural philosophy of the 'Vaisesika' and the logic of the 'Nyaya' in medical theories, and its structure has 16 syllables per line, 2 lines per poem and is recorded in poetry and prose. Also, the "Charaka" can be summarized into the introduction, cause, judgement, body, sensory organs, treatment, pharmaceuticals, and end, and can be seen as a work that strongly reflects the moral code of Brahmin and Aryans. 8) In extracting bloody pus, the "Charaka" introduces a 'sharp tool' bloodletting treatment, while the "$Su\scute{s}hruta$" introduces many surgical methods such as the use of gourd dippers, horns, sucking the blood with leeches. Also the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" has 19 chapters specializing in ophthalmology, and shows 76 types of eye diseases and their treatments. 9) Since anatomy did not develop in Indian medicine, the inner structure of the human body was not well known. The only exception is 'GuXiangXue(骨相學)' which developed from 'Atharvaveda' times and the "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$". In the "$A\d{s}\d{t}\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$"'s 'ShenTiLun(身體論)' there is a thorough listing of the development of a child from pregnancy to birth. The '$\bar{A}yurveda$' is not just an ancient traditional medical system but is being called alternative medicine in the west because of its ability to supplement western medicine and, as its effects are being proved scientifically it is gaining attention worldwide. We would like to say that what we have researched is just a small fragment and a limited view, and would like to correct and supplement any insufficient parts through more research of new records.

• The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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• v.10
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• pp.119-145
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• 2008

Through a simple study of the medical classics in the '$\bar{A}yurveda$', we have summarized them as follows. 1) Traditional Indian medicine started in the Ganges river area at about 1500 B. C. E. and traces of medical science can be found in the "Rigveda" and "Atharvaveda". 2) The "Charaka(閣羅迦集)" and "$Su\acute{s}hruta$(妙聞集)", ancient texts from India, are not the work of one person, but the result of the work and errors of different doctors and philosophers. Due to the lack of historical records, the time of Charaka(閣羅迦) or $Su\acute{s}hruta$(妙聞)s' lives are not exactly known. So the completion of the "Charaka" is estimated at 1st$\sim$2nd century C. E. in northwestern India, and the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" is estimated to have been completed in 3rd$\sim$4th century C. E. in central India. Also, the "Charaka" contains details on internal medicine, while the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" contains more details on surgery by comparison. 3) '$V\bar{a}gbhata$', one of the revered Vriddha Trayi(triad of the ancients, 三醫聖) of the '$\bar{A}yurveda$', lived and worked in about the 7th century and wrote the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ $Ast\bar{a}nga$ hrdaya $samhit\bar{a}$ $samhit\bar{a}$(八支集) and "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$(八心集)", where he tried to compromise and unify the "Charaka" and "$Su\acute{s}hruta$". The "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$" was translated into Tibetan and Arabic at about the 8th$\sim$9th century, and if we generalize the medicinal plants recorded in each the "Charaka", "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" and the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$", there are 240, 370, 240 types each. 4) The 'Madhava' focused on one of the subjects of Indian medicine, '$Nid\bar{a}na$' ie meaning "the cause of diseases(病因論)", and in one of the copies found by Bower in 4th century C. E. we can see that it uses prescriptions from the "BuHaLaJi(布唅拉集)", "Charaka", "$Su\acute{s}hruta$". 5) According to the "Charaka", there were 8 branches of ancient medicine in India : treatment of the body(kayacikitsa), special surgery(salakya), removal of alien substances(salyapahartka), treatment of poison or mis-combined medicines(visagaravairodhikaprasamana), the study of ghosts(bhutavidya), pediatrics(kaumarabhrtya), perennial youth and long life(rasayana), and the strengthening of the essence of the body(vajikarana). 6) The '$\bar{A}yurveda$', which originated from ancient experience, was recorded in Sanskrit, which was a theorization of knowledge, and also was written in verses to make memorizing easy, and made medicine the exclusive possession of the Brahmin. The first annotations were 1060 for the "Charaka", 1200 for the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$", 1150 for the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$", and 1100 for the "$Nid\bar{a}na$". The use of various mineral medicines in the "Charaka" or the use of mercury as internal medicine in the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$", and the palpation of the pulse for diagnosing in the '$\bar{A}yurveda$' and 'XiZhang(西藏)' medicine are similar to TCM's pulse diagnostics. The coexistence with Arabian 'Unani' medicine, compromise with western medicine and the reactionism trend restored the '$\bar{A}yurveda$' today. 7) The "Charaka" is a book inclined to internal medicine that investigates the origin of human disease which used the dualism of the 'Samkhya', the natural philosophy of the 'Vaisesika' and the logic of the 'Nyaya' in medical theories, and its structure has 16 syllables per line, 2 lines per poem and is recorded in poetry and prose. Also, the "Charaka" can be summarized into the introduction, cause, judgement, body, sensory organs, treatment, pharmaceuticals, and end, and can be seen as a work that strongly reflects the moral code of Brahmin and Aryans. 8) In extracting bloody pus, the "Charaka" introduces a 'sharp tool' bloodletting treatment, while the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" introduces many surgical methods such as the use of gourd dippers, horns, sucking the blood with leeches. Also the "$Su\acute{s}hruta$" has 19 chapters specializing in ophthalmology, and shows 76 types of eye diseases and their treatments. 9) Since anatomy did not develop in Indian medicine, the inner structure of the human body was not well known. The only exception is 'GuXiangXue(骨相學)' which developed from 'Atharvaveda' times and the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$". In the "$Ast\bar{a}nga$ Sangraha $samhit\bar{a}$"'s 'ShenTiLun(身體論)' there is a thorough listing of the development of a child from pregnancy to birth. The '$\bar{A}yurveda$' is not just an ancient traditional medical system but is being called alternative medicine in the west because of its ability to supplement western medicine and, as its effects are being proved scientifically it is gaining attention worldwide. We would like to say that what we have researched is just a small fragment and a limited view, and would like to correct and supplement any insufficient parts through more research of new records.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.44 no.2
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• pp.241-250
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• 1997

Objective : Although the prevalence of pulmonary tuberculosis has decreased progressively after the national control program for tuberculosis began, nowadays the number of MDRTB is increasing seriously. MDRTB tends to be poor responsive to current antituberculosis regimens. It is mainly due to poor compliance, high rate of side reaction of secondary drugs, and limitation in number of available drugs. The purpose of present study is to evaluate the clinical features of pulmonary tuberculosis patients admitted in one national tuberculosis hospital and to expose the problems pertaining to current remedies, to increase the treatment efficacy for pulmonary tuberculosis including MDRTB in the end. Method : Retrospective analysis of 336 pulmonary tuberculosis patients admitted in National Masan Tuberculosis Hospital was done. Contents of analysis were patients profile, the first diagnosed time and medical institutes, family history, residence, previous treatment history, chief complaints at the time of admission, lesion site on chest X -ray film, combined deseases, side reaction to antibuberculosis drugs, used drugs before admission and the results of drug sensitivity test. Results : The ratio between male and female was 4 : 1. Age showed relatively even distribution from 3rd to 6 th decades. 64.6% of the patients was diagnosed at public health center. Weight loss was the most common complaint at admission. Bilateral lesions on chest X-ray films were 59.8%. 130patients had combined desease, of which DM was the most common(37.7%). 95patients had family history, of which parents were the most common(41.7%). According to the time of first diagnosis, 31 patients were diagnosed before 1980, and after then the number of patients was increased by degrees. Residence overwhelmed in pusan and gyung-nam province. 258 patients got previous treatment history, of which 112 patients(43.4%) had more than 3 times and only 133 patients(51.6%)got regular medication. 97 patients used more than other 3 drugs in addition to INH, EMB, RFP and PZA before admission. 154 patients were informed with the results of drug sensitivity test. of which 77 patients had resistance to more than 5 drugs. Gastrointestinal problem was the most common in side reaction to drugs. Conclusion : In the case of weight loss of unknown cause, tuberculosis should be suspected. In first treatment, sufficient and satisfactory explanation for tuberculosis is necessary and treatment period should not be stict to 6 month-short term therapy. In retreatment, new drugs should not be added to used drugs even though drug sensitivity results show sensitivity to some of them. Proper time for surgical intervention should not be delayed.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.166-182
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• 1994

Kyonggi Province in the late Chosun dynasty was a center of superior government offices including 'Han' River water-road transportation and was located in the middle of an 'X'-shaped arterial road network. Because of these reasons, Kyonggi Province had a faster inflow of commodities, informations and technics compared with the other province. At this period of time, every local 'Eup' (name of administrative district) had not been affected by their above administrative districts and had their own autonomy. For this reason, every 'Eup' could be developed as a town, even if its size was small when it had sufficient internal growing conditions. Moreover, the markets ('Si-Jon') in big towns and periodical markets which were spread over the Kyonggi Province played role of commercial functions of town. And because military bases for the defence of the royal capital in Kyonggi Province also took parts of a non-agricultural city role, Xyonggi Provinc had much more possibilities of growing as a town rather than the other provinces. The towns of the late Chosun Dynasty were, except the capital and superior administrative districts which were governed by the 'You-Su', small towns which had only about 3, 000-5, 000 people. Most of the town dewellers were local officials, nobles, merchants, craftmen and slaves. And the farmers who lived near town became a pseudo-towner through suburb agriculture. Among these people, the merchants were leaders of townization. The downtowns were affected by the landform and traffic roads. The most fundamental function of towns were administrative. The opcial's grade, which was dispatched to the local administrative district ('Kun' or 'Hyun'), was decided by the size of population and agricultural land of each county. Large county which was governed by a high ranking opcial had more possibilities to develop as a large town. Because they supervised other opcials of lower rank and obtained more land and population for the town. The phonomena of farm abandonment after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592-1598 stimulated the development of towns for commercial function. The commercial functions of towns were evident in the Si-Jon or Nan-Jon (names of markets) in the big cities such as Hansung and Kaesung, meanffwhile in the local areas it was emerged in the shape of periodical market networks as allied with near markets (which were called as Jang-Si) or permanent markets which were grown up from periodical markets. These facts of commercial development induced the birth of commercial town. Kyonggi Province showed the weak points of its defense system during both wars (Japanese Invasion in 1592 and Manchu's Invasion in 1636). The government reinforced its defense system by adding 4 'You-Su-Bus' and several military bases. Each local districts ('Eup'), where Geo-Jins were established, were stimulated to be a town while Jin-Kwan system were, adjusted and enforced. Among Dok-Jins(name of solitary military bases), Youngjongjin was grown up as a large garrison town which only played a role of defense. The number of towns that took roles of non-agricultural functions in Kyonggi Province was 52. Among these towns, 29 were developed as big towns which had above 3, 000 people and most of these towns were located on the northwest-southeast axes of 'X'-shaped arterial trafic network in the Chosn Dynasty, This fact points out that the traffic road is one of the important causes of the development of towns. When we make hierarchy of the towns of Kyonggi Province according to its population and how many functions it had, we can make it as 6 grades. The virst grade town 'Hansung' was the biggest central town of administration, commerce and defdnse. The 2nd grade town includes 'Kaesung' which had historical inertia that it had been the capital of the Koryo Dynesty. The 3rd grade towns include some 'You- Su-Bus' such as Soowon, Kanghwa, Kwangju and also include Mapo, Yongsan and from this we can imagine that the commercial development in the late Chosun Dynasty extremely affected the townization. The 4th-6th grade towns had smiliar population but it can be discriminated by how many town functions it had. So the 4th grade towns were the core of administration, commerce and defense function. 5th grade towns had administrative functions and one of commercial and defense functions. 6th grade towns had only one of these functions. When we research and town conditions of each grades as the ratio of non-agricultural population, we can find out that the towns from the 1st grade to 4th grade show difference by degree of townization but from the 4th grade to 6th grade towns do not show big difference in general.