• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.9 no.4
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• pp.505-518
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• 2003

The purpose of this paper is to review Post-Fordist urban economic theories that have tackled the recent changes of urban economies in large cities in the world since 1980s, so that we can conceptualise the changes of urban economies in Korean cities. In the perspective of the Post-Fordist urban economic theories, the recent changes of urban economies in the world are deeply related to the transformation of capitalist world economic system from Fordism to Post-Fordism. To see these changes which can be called as the new urbanization process in the economic aspect, we will focus especially such theories as new industrial space (district) theory based on the flexible specialization paradigm, informational city theory based on the information and communication mode paradigm, and cluster and regional innovation theory based on the institution and network paradigm. Also we will consider the social polarization process and dual city phenomena that have been observed for the most part of big cities in the world.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.413-429
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• 2022

"Tourist Gaze" discussion in the 21st century introduces that tourist is the post-modern and post-fordism figure. Festival visitors can be said as one of the post-modern tourists, so this figure has "performance turn" feature as well. It will be discussed here why festival visitors of the Edinburgh Fringe Festival want to visit the festival. As post-modern and post-fordism figure, festival visitors want to experience autonomy, competence and relationshjp based on the performance turn.

• Journal of the Korean Regional Science Association
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.119-130
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• 1992

Many of the industrialized countries since the 1970s have been experiencing the change in the industrial structure due to technological development, that is, from Fordism to post-Fordism, or to "flexible production system". Regional development has been undergoing some changes according to the different industrial production systems. During the Fordist mass production period, the manufacturing belt was the core region of the production system. As the system shifts to flexible production system of which characteristics are veritcal disintegration, emphasis for JIT(just-in-time) delivery system, part-time and short-time labor contracts, design-intensive industries, etc, the new system requires the new production core and has produced the new industrial spaces, such as Sunbelt cities, suburbs, small-or medium-sized cities, and non-metropolitan areas. In the perspective of global system, the Fordist production system made th NICs developed, because the mass production required many unskilled and low-wage workers. As the NICs exports of manufactured goods have incredibly expanded during the 1970s, the industrialized countries have become threatened. The industriablized countries have restructured their economies and international policies. Such restructures resulted in the economic depression of the NICs. The investment pattern of the industrialized countries has changed and particularly those industries adopting the Post-Fordism have invested from the NICs to the peripheral areas of their own countries or toward the underdeveloped countries which have much lower wage workers. The investment pattern of the NICs is also undergoing some changes like from metropolitian areas to small or non-metropolitan regions. The regional development since the post-Fordist production is still going on, thus it is not possible to generalize the tendency. That could be a particular phenomenon or a stage in the long-term cycle. But the regional development in the world system since 1980s definitely shows the different pattern.t pattern.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.148-162
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• 1993

There is much speculation that modern capi-talist society is undergoing fundamental and qualitative chnge towards flexible specialization. The purpose of this study is to examine this hypothesis. This paper focusses on: the idea of flexible specialization; the significance of this transition; industrial district; and the implicati-ons of this new production system for Korean industrial space. Main arguments of this study are as follows: First, as all different groups of researchers apply the idea of flexible specialization according to their own specifications, the current debate on this topic is not much fruitful. Not surpri-singly, the concept of flexible specialization has overlapped with subocontracting. This intergration of subcontracting into flexible specialization systems, however, is inappropriate because the two concepts have different historical contexts. The other cause of this controversy is its inherent weekness, conceptual ambiguity. Thus, today's flexibility becomes tomorrow's rigidity. Secondly, transition towards flexible speciali-zation has only been partially achieved even in advanced capitalist countries. The application of dualistic explanatory framework, such as rigidity versus flexibiity, mass production versus small-lot multi-product production, and de-skilling versus re-skilling, has resulted in great exaggeration of the transformation, from Fordism to post-Fordism. There is no intermediary part between two places. Considering that the workers allocated to the Fordist mass production assembly line are not as large as one might imagine, the shift from mass to flexible production has only limited implications for the transformation of capitalist economy. Thirdly, 'industrial district' contorversy has contributed to highlighting the importance of small firms and areas as production space. The agglomeration of small firms in specific areas is common in Korea, but it is quite different from the industrial district based on flexible specialization. The Korean phenomenon stems from close interactions with its major parent firm rather than interactions between flexible, specialized, autonomous and technology-intensive smll firms. Most Korean subcontractors are still low-skilled, labour-intensive, and heavily dependent on their mojor parent firms. Thus, the assertion that the Seoul Metropolitan Area adopts flexible specialization has no base. Fourthly, the main concern of flexible speciali zation is small firms. However, the corporate organization that needs product diversification and technological specialization is oligopolistic large corporations typified by multinational corporations. It is because of this that most of these organizations are adoptiong Fordist mass production methods. The problem of product diversification will be resolved naturally if economic internationalization progresses further. What is more important for business success is the quality and price competitiveness of firms rather than product diversification. Lastly, in order to dispel further misunderst-anding on this issue, it is imparative that the conceptual ambiguity is resolved most urgently. This study recommends adoption of more speci-fied and direct terminology (such as, factory automation, computer design, out-sourcing, the exploitation of part-time labor, job redesign) rather than that of ideological ones (such as, Taylorism, Fordism, neo-Taylorism, neo-Fordism, post-fordism, flexible specialization, peripheral post-Fordism). As the debates on this topic just started, we still have long way to go until consensus is reached.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.8 no.4
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• pp.513-528
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• 2002

This paper aims to explore the recent economic restructuring and regional disparity after the IMF crisis in Korea in terms of uneven regional development. The so-called IMF crisis brought about changing Korean society and economy greatly. Although the Korean economy has been almost completely recovered from the IMF crisis, some structural problems remain. In particular, regional disparity has been deepening in the process of economic restructuring for overcoming the IMF crisis. While the Seoul metropolitan area including Kyunggi province has recovered from the crisis relatively fast and industrial production in the area has been kept active, the productive activities of local areas such as Pusan, Taegu, Kwanju and Ulsan province have shrunk significantly. On the contrary, the economic situation of Taejun province is not so bad in comparison with other local areas. The recent deepening of regional disparity after the IMF crisis can be seen as a process of economic restructuring to overcome the crisis. However, it is necessary to point out that production system has already been gradually transformed from Fordism toward post-Fordism since the early 1990s. In this context I argue that the IMF crisis, as an accelerating trigger of such spatial reconfiguration, has deepen regional disparity.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.67-82
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• 2004

There is a general agreement that the global social-economic system is undergoing fundamental changes, which can be explained in terms of the transformation of production system from the Fordism to Post-Fordism since the 1980s. These fundamental changes have resulted in the 'new urbanization' process in the most of large cities in the developed countries. The aim of this paper is to identify the 'new urbanization' process in a large city in Korea that is, Daejon. For the propose, this paper tries to examine and conceptualize empirically the changes of economic, political, social-cultural, and spatial aspects of Daejon metropolis in the respect of 'new urbanization'. The major findings of this essay are summarized as follows. First of all, Daejon economy has experienced new changes, that is the development of service economy and high tech industry. But the old industry still remain important in the urban economy. Secondly, in the political aspect, new civil movements flourish in the city, while the political power of Jaminlyeon, a pro-conservative and narrow-regionalism party, once dominated this region, has decreased its influence. Thirdly. the original CBD of Daejon has been declined while new (sub-)CBBs have emerging in Daejon spatial structures. In conclusion, we can find some clues of the new urbanization process in Daejon, but this process is still quite slow and somewhat different from those of large cities of the developed countries.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.662-671
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• 1996

Since the world's economic and political structures have changed, the term 'globlization' has shown up as a dominant power and as a necessity for regional and national development. Each nation is responding to the globalization process economically and politically in various ways. In general, however, the economic response to the globalization is economic restructuring from the Fordist industries to 'flexible specialization'. And the political response to the globalization is 'global localization' as a new type of local politics(i.e., local policy activism or growth-enhancing local development policies). The crisis of Fordism shifted the role of local governments towards more involovement with local economic development. Local governments are mobilizing for loca economic development, they are taken into a process of institutional change that tends to redefine their responsibilities inside the state. Local governments thus tend to act as an entrepreneur in order to restructure theiir local economies and to compete with other national and international regions. State restructuring towards enerepreneurialism and efficient regional policy pursuing a pro-growth coalition trategy is chosen as a new mode of regulation for the post-Fordism at the local level. The flexible specialization as the post-Fordist economy and the local government as an entrepreneur are the global choice for globalization and a post-Fordist society. The paper focuses on the regulation theory which comprises the political economic perspective on resturcturing. Economic restructuring and state restructuring will be discussed in detail. And the paper tries to combine the economic globalization and the global localization as economic and political responses to globalization.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.58 no.4
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• pp.313-339
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• 2006

The purpose of this study is to analysis empirically the socio-structural causes of working poor. This study used raw data of of Korea National Statistical Office from 1982 to 2004, and put in operation time series multiple regression analysis to use socio-economic factors of macro-economy environment, labor market, distribution system. Contrary to assertion of growth-concentrated people, economic growth rate has had significantly positive effect on the change of working poor size. In the growth period there has been trickle down effect of economic growth, but in the post-Fordism period there has not been valid circular relation. Recent introduction of the U. S. type capitalism resulted in negative phenomenon like aggravation of income distribution, deterioration of employment quality, enlargement of working poor. And there rise a question on socio-economic durability due to de-compensation on intra-institution. It is necessary to grope transition to the high road social market model - that is stable and sustainable - correspond to Korea that is stable and sustainable.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.428-446
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• 2004

This paper is to analyze citizens' consciousness on urban changes during the 1900s in the sectors of economy, politics and socio-culture of large cities in Korea, especially comparing them in Seoul, Daejeon, Daegu, and Kywangju. The items of questionnaire are drawn from theories on each sector of new urbanization of large city in Western countries, that is, that of post-Fordism, of urban governance, of post-modernism, and of sustainable city. Some major findings of this questionnaire analysis are as follows. First, on the change of large cities in general, citizens think that the sectors of spatial structure, and of socio-culture of the cities were changed more than those of urban economy and of urban politics. Secondly, in the sector of urban economy, citizens recognize that the obstructing factors of development, that is, the lack of regional capital and the absence of head-quarter of large firms, which seems to be resulted from uneven regional development in the previous periods were much more serious than others, while acknowledging the importance of high-tech industry. Thirdly, in the sector of urban politics, citizens think that the centralized structure of politics and of political parties was still problematic, while acknowledging the importance of entrepreneur mind of urban governor. Finally, in the sector of urban socio-culture, citizens emphasize the development of telecommunication, the popularization of private automobile and the increasing use of credit card, as three major factors which have exercised major impacts on the development of urban socio-culture.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.357-378
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• 2014

The concern on new regional geography in Korea has emerged in the 1990s under the influence of paradigm shift of Western geography, that is, the withering of positivist geography and the introduction of grand social theories into geography. New regional geography in Korea also seems to have developed in the rapidly changing process of glocalization of capitalism which has accompanied with the transformation toward post-Fordism with high-tech innovation, development of transportation and communication technology with time-space compression, and increasing social and cultural mobility with change of identity. But it can be pointed out that discussion on methodology for regional geography in Korea has been shrunken since the mid 2000s, and there has been relatively little empirical research with synthetic approach to region. But more concern on methodology in terms of place, territory, network, scale, etc. rather than the concept of region itself has increased, and empirical researches on regions in specific fields of human geography have been promoted. It is argued that the traditional distinction between synthetic and analytic approaches seems no longer significant. But geographers need to extend the concept of region in relation to other diverse spatial concepts, and to purse simultaneously structural analysis on glocalization process and practical strategies responding positively to the process.