• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.61-64
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• 2013

In 2008, Taiwan adopted a new mixed member system which is significantly different from the long-implemented SNTV-MMD system for the election of legislators. The new system cuts the number of legislative seats from 225 to 113, extends legislators' terms of office from three years to four, and most importantly, adopts a new mixed-member majoritarian (MMM) electoral system to replace the SNTV system for legislative elections. The election of legislators in 2008 was the first time that this new mixed electoral system was implemented in Taiwan. Mainstream literature continues to discuss the electoral impact on political parties and candidates by the new system while citizens' knowledge of the new system and its concomitant effects on citizens' behavior receive less attention. Worse still, almost all of the literature assumes that voters were fully aware of the operation and impact of the new electoral system and cast their ballots wisely. The purpose of this paper is to explore citizen's perceptions, participation and evaluation of this new system.

• The Journal of Korean Medicine
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• v.28 no.1 s.69
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• pp.42-50
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• 2007

Objectives . This study was to assess the Korean Traditional Medicine forecast subjects that had been expected to be accomplished by 2005. The result will help the Korean medical society plan far policies and studies on Korean Traditional Medicine. Methods : Assessed targets were 64 subjects (expected to be studied until 2005) of the total 93 subjects from the 'Mid- to Long-Term Forecast and Plan Study for Korean Traditional Medicine'. The subjects were classified into two types : political subjects and research and development (R&D) subjects. These were determined by the quantity and contents of related political reports, political research projects, thesis, patent, placing products on sale, etc. Results :1) 5 items of a total 12 political subjects were accomplished or partially accomplished (41.7%), and 9 items of a total 46 R&D subjects were accomplished or partially accomplished (9.5%). 2) While the accomplishment percentage (accomplished or partial accomplished) in literature arrangement and D/B construction field was 100%, it was under 10% in product or system development field. Thus, it seems that practical subjects were less accomplished than academic subjects. 3) On 8 subjects of 'Forecast Research on Future of Oriental Medicine' which had been performed in Japan, the Korean expected dates when the subjects would be realized were earlier than the Japanese ones, but no subjects were realized. Conclusion · Political and academic subjects weir accomplished more than R&D and practical subjects.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.37-79
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• 2017

The major purpose of this paper is to analyze the evolution of the presidential system in South Korea during the past three decades ever since the country's democratization in 1987 from the comparative institutional perspective. As imperial presidentialism during the so-called three Kim's era(1987-2003) disappeared right after the political retirement of the three Kims in 2003, then president-centered presidentialism emerged during the post-three Kim's era, since the country's recent three presidents possessed their relatively low-level of partisan power in terms of their control of National Assemblies and their respective presidents' parties during their presidencies. South Korea has now a strong possibility to transform the current president-centered presidentialism into the American-style separatist presidential system in the near future, since the country's National Assembly has continuously been making its efforts to function as an effective governing body being compatible with the American Congress. In addition, the country's judiciary branch has effectively been playing a political role like the US supreme court ever since the country's democratization in 1987. It is also emphasized that South Korea's civic society is currently playing as a guardian of democracy through its effective and responsive political participations in many public sectors for promoting civic liberties, public welfare, and other democratic values. South Korea now needs to carry out constitutional revisions, political reforms of legislative system, party system, and electoral system as well as correct some contradictory political understandings and habits in a way to transform the current president-centered presidentialism into American-style separatist presidential system in the near future.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.62 no.3
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• pp.141-162
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• 2010

This paper tries to provide empirical support for a formal model of social policy development which has been presented in a former paper of this study. In the direct democracy, median voter's social policy preference is critical because he is Condorcet winner in a pair-wise pure majority voting. But, in the more general setting, we should think of various political institutions as a collective choice device. For this reason, I draw a formal model which formulates three contrasting types of political institutions which are distinguished by the developments of political democracy and the differences of electoral rules. Comparative patterns of key variables which measure political institutions, social policy developments, and social policy preference provide support for my arguments. My empirical results suggest that three political institutions are associated with very different policy outcomes. Compared to other institutions, committee system entails more targeted subsidy, less universal benefit. On the contrary, proportional elections produce more universal benefit, less targeted subsidy.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.147-156
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• 2017

This research aimed at suggesting the implication of Korean unification education based on German unification education, which country achieved unification from the divided country as Korea. Germany named unification education as the political education. German political education includes democratic citizen education, peace education, and solidarity education between the peoples. Also, besides school unification education, civic organization and parties treat political education. German political education is conducted by being shared with role by main government and several organizations, when the federal government level suggests a big frame. Also, political education with proper content could be conducted suitable for the characteristic of main area and the color of the party and civic organizations. Of course, federal government supports administrative financial support enough on this. In such situation, German people have naturally accepted and developed political education without distance. This situation has lots of implication on Korea. First, systematic system of unification education. In Korea, unification education is conducted mainly by Ministry of Unification and Education Center for Unification. However, in order to naturally approach the people, systematic system synthesizing civic organization, local government, religious organization, and educational local government should be established. Second, 'integration within acknowledgement of diversity'. In Korea, also, diversity should be acknowledged by being suggested by the country with the big frame, and the detailed parts by various institutions and civic organizations as Germany. Third, conversion to integrated education of unification education. Germany is conducting comprehensive education naming unification education as the political education. We also should prepare for coming unification in the near future by complementing the content by converting the mere unification education to comprehensive and integrated education.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.24_1
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• pp.255-289
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• 2014

This study's aim is to identify modern and post-modern values and transnationalism embodied in Daesoon Thought and to seek for the new value to overcome irrationality of modern values in this society we live in. Several previous studies discussed about these issues, but most of them studied them on the basis of Korean new religions or Jeungsangyo, or in sociological theory perspective. Therefore, this study focused on Daesoon Thought encompassing ideological perspective as well as historical perspective of Daesoonjinrihoe. As for nationalism, while Eastern learning(Dong-Hak) is prone to ethnocentricity, Daesoon Thought shows trans-ethnic perspective. As for historical perspectivel, Mugeuikdo, a precursor to Daesoonjinrihoe showed non-relationship with any politics as contrasted with other new korean religious movement at that time. As for aspects of modern values, 3 perspectives (political system, social system, abolition of premodern values) were discussed. As for political system perspective, while Eastern learning advocates democratic modernity but accepted monarchy, Jeungsan denied monarchy. And While western political philosophy advocated rationality-based absolute person, Daesoon Thought proposes ideal human who can have political power and do religious indoctrination all together. As for social system perspective, while western humanism is based on all of he people's equity in front of God, Eastern learning on humans are Heaven (人乃天), Daesoon Thought is based on Injon thought(人尊思想) which encompasses spiritual world, human world and all of the universe. Daesoon Thought also proposes abolition of discrimination by gender, social position. As for abolition of premodern values, Daesoon Thought critics pre-modern formalism and advocate acceptance of other nations' culture, pragmatism, and humanism. As presented above, Daesoon Thought has not only modern values but also aspects of post-modernity and transnationalism. In the future, further studies are needed which tackle these issues and search for new values of Daesoon Thought which can overcome limitation of modern values.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.127-165
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• 2014

This article regards the phase of political confrontations in Thailand and Burma as a prolonged and inconclusive political struggle between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces. It argues that in Thai case, anti-monarchy constitutional revolution has led to a right-wing national revolution based on state nationalism consolidating capitalist economic system by Sarit's military coup, while in Burmese case, anti-British imperialism movement in colonial era has resulted in a left-wing national revolution grounded on state nationalism associating with socialist economic system by Ne Win's military coup. It is also interesting to note that the two cases experienced state nationalism denying autonomous civil society as a process of nation-building in spite of their contrasting ideologies. In both cases, it became inevitable to have national revolution forces clinging to official nationalism and state nationalism confronting with civil revolution forces seeking popular nationalism and liberal nationalism. In particular, unlike Burmese society, Thai society, without colonial history has never experienced a civil war mobilizing anti-colonial popular nationalism including ethnic revolt. This article considers Dankwart Rustow's argument that national unity as a background condition must precede all the other phases of democratization, but that otherwise its timing is irrelevant. In this context, Thai democratization without national unity which began earlier than Burmese is taking a backward step. For the time being, there would be no solution map to overcome severe political polarization between the right-wing national revolution forces defending official nationalism cum state nationalism and the civil revolution forces trying to go beyond official nationalism towards popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism. In contrast, paradoxically belated Burmese democratization has just taken a big leap in escaping from serious and inconclusive nature of political struggle between the left-wing national revolution forces to defend official nationalism cum state nationalism and civil revolution based on popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism towards a reconciliation phase in order to seek solutions for internal conflicts. The two case studies imply that national unity is not a background condition, but a consequence of the process of political polarization and reconciliation between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces.

• Journal of the Institute of Electronics and Information Engineers
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• v.50 no.7
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• pp.244-252
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• 2013

In this paper, we show that supervisory control theory of discrete event systems can be applied to analyze the problem of power in political economy. For this purpose, we introduce the decision mechanism of control inputs based on power, and the consequent behavior of a supervised system. Specifically, this paper presents the notion of power-controllability as a necessary and sufficient condition to achieve a common control objective of competing groups (local controllers). If the power-controllability is met, a modular system controlled by local controllers with power functions is not deviated from a common control objective of them.

• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.1-13
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• 2023

Being one of the first and hardest hit countries by the coronavirus, Iran still continues to preserve its place among nations with the highest rates of infection and COVID-19 related deaths. While on the surface, such worrying status evinces the failure of the authorities in handling the crisis, at deeper levels, it points to the fundamentalist nature of the government and political system of the country. In this view, the current devastating condition in Iran is a clear indication of the all-out influence of the Islamic regime's ideologies on officials' decision-making and their political agendas throughout the pandemic. Accordingly, the staterun mainstream media, as the most preeminent institution of power, have been incessantly engaged in disseminating a series of ideology-laden information around the issues concerning the coronavirus, and in line with the developing political discourses during pandemic. Far from being based on factual accounts or scientific facts, these disseminated messages inevitably grew into a source of disinformation, ultimately resulting in overall public confusion and skepticism. Through examining the data gathered from some of the most prominent online news agencies run by the government, this study identifies five major discursive trends through which the mainstream media propagated ambiguous and manipulative information about COVID-19. These findings are then explained in the light of media system dependency theory, leading to the argument that within autocratic nation-states, public reliance on media during a national/global crisis brings about new opportunities for state exploitation, and further distressing consequences for the people.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.8
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• pp.586-593
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• 2018

When newsreel was organized in 1967, it was a small but strong revolution. New York newsreel became the third world newsreel in 1972. The third world newsreel clearly stated that the purpose of the organization should be the alternative provision of the Television news. They also notified the revolution of the production system and the distribution system. Christine Choy who actively worked at the Third world newsreel succeeded the spirit of the organization through her works. Through the third world newsreel and Christine Choy who was the representative of the organization, this article is dealing with the mode of production and the style and the aesthetics of the Newsreel. Their activities were originally political and always controversial. They agonized who should be the film maker, how should be the distribution system. Through the strong arguments, the group had acquired not only collective identity but also collective production. Those collaborations had become the foundation of their works. Christine Choy has been a key figure of the Third world newsreel and her films has focused on the racial problem and gender problem. Her works have always been political and historical.