• Strategy21
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• s.34
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• pp.93-127
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• 2014

During the four years following the sinking of the Cheonan frigate in 2010, the South Korean public opinion has seen changes in four basic ways. First, public polls with respect to the cause of the sinking show that 70% of the people consider North Korea as the culprit, while 20% maintain that it was not an act carried out by North Korea. Second, the opinions relative to the cause of the incident seem to vary according to age difference, generational difference, and educational difference. From 2011, people in their 20s showed 10% increase in regarding North Korea as the responsible party. People in their 30s and 40s still have a tendency not to believe the result of the investigation carried out by the combined military and civilian group. Third, the most prominent issue that arose aftermath of the Cheonan incident is the fact that political inclination and policy preference are influencing the scientific determination of the cause. In other words, scientific and logical approach is lacking in the process of determining the factual basis for the cause. This process is compromised by the inability of the parties concerned in sorting out what is objective and what is personal opinion. This confused state of affairs makes it difficult to carry on a healthy, productive debate. Fourth, rumors, propaganda, and disinformation generated by pro-North Korea Labor Party groups in the internet and SNS are causing considerable impact in forming the public opinion. Proposed Strategy 1. The administration can ascertain public trust by accurately determining the nature of the provocation based on accurate information in the early stages of the incident. 2. Education in scientific, logical, rational methodologyis needed at home, school, and workplace in order toenhance the people's ability to seek factual truths. 3. In secondary education, the values of freedom, human rights, democracy, and market economy must be reinforced. 4. It is necessary for the educational system to teach the facts of North Korea just as they are. 5. Fundamental strength of free democratic system must be reinforced. The conservative, mainstream powers must recognize the importance of self-sacrifice and societal duties. The progressive political parties must sever themselves from those groups that take instructions from North Korea's Labor Party. The progressives must pursue values that are based on fundamental human rights for all. 6. Korean unification led by South Korea is the genuine means to achieve peace in a nuclear-free Korean peninsula. The administration must recognize that this unification initiative is the beginning of the common peace and prosperity in the Far East Asia, and must actively pursue international cooperation in this regard.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.132-145
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• 1995

The Purpose of this study is to integrate two opposite paradigms, (development from above) and (development from below), by means of A. Giddenss (structuration theory) and to provide practical development strategies on the basis of integrated paradigm. The integration of these two opposite paradigms is in fact the internalization of epistemological overcoming of 'dependency', which means the structural transformation of dualistic thinking into monistic thinking that the enlargement of capitalist world-system can be 'development' and it may also be 'dependency'. Therefore the practical main issue of this integrated paradigm results in how peripheral countries should achieve self-reliant and continuous development under the circumstances of dependency. To achieve such development while resisting the growing arrogance of transnational capital, development strategies should be prepared to maker revitalized political community designed to fit a human scale and for the economy to be subordinated to the political will of the community. And at the same time the 'empowerment' of people should be strengthened.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.19 no.10
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• pp.386-393
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• 2018

The Korean military supplies industry tends to become limited in terms of its development to specific areas in line with strategic promotion policies of the local private direct industrial site. However, the relation between base and small cluster is getting lower of the local industrial site. In this study, information related to authorized test reports for munitions was collected through the military quality information system and subjected to social network analysis(SNA). SNA was performed through the relationships among defense quality assurance agencies, test institutions, contracts and cooperative firms through UCINET's Two-Mode Network. In the field of weapon systems, the median technology industry, and the test analysis dependent are high in Seoul, so the analysis revealed that strengthening the infrastructure for test analysis is needed. Also, it was deemed necessary for government-driven political support. Besides, the field support system was efficiently utilizing a relatively local test analysis. It was analyzed that they are overcoming the regional boundaries of small clusters by strategically changing their contract and cooperative firms' status. The research found some spatial inconsistencies between base and small clusters in the military supplies industry, and it was judged that a political suggestion was needed.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.68 no.3
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• pp.51-71
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• 2016

The purpose of this study is to clarify macro causes influencing on the diversity of single-mother households poverty among OECD Countries including Korea. This study carried out pooled time series cross-section analysis applying unbalanced panel design on the period from 1981 to 2012. There is marked diversity on single-mother households poverty. GDP per capita does not contributes to reduce poverty, and female employment rate and % population 0-14 exacerbate poverty. Several factors contribute on poverty reduction including social spending, child cash spending, union density, employment protection on regular workers, proportional representation system, cumulative left cabinet, cumulative women seat. In Korea, it needs to overcome the limit of anti-poverty strategy mainly based on economic growth and labor market flexibility. And it needs to enlarge universal welfare institutions, child benefits, work-family reconciliation policy, and to design adjusted labor market institutions including union density and employment protection, to introduce consensus political model including proportional representation system to enhance left power and women's representation.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.28
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• pp.131-152
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• 2011

Jangyongyoung was a royal guard in the King Jeongjo Period. The guard was established after the inauguration of King Jeongjo to protect the king and strengthen the royal authority. In terms of security study, it has high value in that it gives insights to the development of security system and its achievements and new role of supporting king's cultural events. Jangyongyoung was a formal guard established to achieve king's political reform. After the King Injo restoration, there sprouted many security guards, including Howicheong, Eoyounggun, and Gemgun. Those were all makeshift systems. But Jangyongyoung grew as a standing and futurist system as it went through some different names, Sukwiso, Jangyongwi, and finally Jangyongyoung. It served to protect the legitimacy of King's succession, to strengthen royal authority, and to bring stability to people's lives. Jangyongyoung had an efficient organization and operation. It also had the characteristics of modern security, integration, professionalism and size. In Jangyongyoung, military training and security were not separate. They protected king from dangers and guarded king's bed, and they trained themselves to deal with unforeseen occurrences. By doing so, they could support king's many activities, including visit to royal tombs, touring of Hwaseong Fortress, and watching military training. Jangyongyoung not only served as a military guard but also it had a cultural function. They made it possible that king and people met in the king's procession. Jangyongyoung supported Jeongjo's political reform, and as a royal guard it enhanced the authority of royal family and exemplified a new security guard by supporting king's cultural events where king, servants and people could become one.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.4
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• pp.22-37
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• 2012

Storage facility of the pre-historic Korea is classified into the subterranean, ground and overground types. The rectangular-shaped subterranean Storage facilities have been identified in the Pungnaptoseong, the Gong mountain fortress site and the Gwanbukri site. Feature no. 196 at Gyeongdang District in Pungnaptoseong yielded a large quantity of glazed potteries, and a wooden storage at the Gwanbukri site contained a large amount of fruit seeds. These storage facilities might be functioned as the warehouse for the highest group rather than the storage for the emergency such as war and flooding and stipend of government officials. This article subdivided into "state storage" on the concept of the former that "royal storage" on the concept of the latter. If it look on the state storage at large, this include the royal storage too. But it subdivided to help article understand because Baekjae changed from state storage to royal storage by change and specialization of system after 4th. The reason why the diversification of storage pits was closely related to the unification of local polities and the concentration of political power in the state-level. Therefore, it might reflect the political circumstances the ruling elites attempted to heighten their authority in terms of the organizing tax collecting system. And divided the time of storage is confirmed separative storage pits in the suburbs of capital city. There is hight probability of top local polities or nation that have possessional a role. This is to cover on frequent war in the Three States. On the other hand, state storage is located around ancent road that linked castle gate that is divided into center and periphery depending on function and position of storage. Center is located royal storage focusing in the presumed royal palace that periphery is located state storage to provide service to the public. It is presumed that located with the government office.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.5-32
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• 2020

This study analyzes the political dynamics of the election law reform in December 2019, from a perspective of the veto player theory combined with the partisan theory. Three features are revealed in the reform process of the electoral system. First, the number of cooperative veto players was higher than that of competitive veto players, that provided a favorable condition for policy changes. Second, concerning the ideological distance between veto-players (congruence) the possibility of policy change was evaluated as quite small. Especially in the fourth to fifth periods, the congruence between the cooperative veto players and competitive veto players was extremely weak. Third, the internal coherence of cooperative veto players was relatively weak, while the internal coherence of competitive veto players was relatively strong. That acted as a limiting factor in policy changes. In other words, there was a high possibility of policy changes in the number of cooperative veto players, but the possibility of policy change was relatively restricted in the congruence between veto players and the cohesion of veto players. That explains the limited nature of the election law reform.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.3
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• pp.150-167
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• 2021

Since the advent of tertiary curriculum, middle school history education has been focused on political history, but many students perceive history as a simple memorization subject and complain about difficulties in abstract learning. The researcher saw this problem as caused by the history curriculum, and carried out this study for the purpose of proposing a revitalization of cultural property education in the middle school history curriculum. First, through the analysis of prior research, the usefulness of cultural property education, such as nurturing creative talent and realizing interactive history classes, was revealed, and the problems of the current political history-centered middle school history curriculum were pointed out. Afterwards, as a result of conducting an opinion survey on middle school 3rd grade students and social studies teachers, it was found that first, both middle school students and their teachers thought that the current political history-centered history had much room for improvement. Second, all groups agreed on the necessity of cultural property education in history education. However, in reality, it was found that it was not easy to sufficiently educate students about cultural property in a political history-centered curriculum. Third, teachers thought that it was necessary to improve the current history curriculum in order to enhance cultural property education. Based on these findings, the researcher suggested an improvement plan for the 2015 revised history curriculum. First, in the 'nature of the subject' section, cultural properties and historical materials should be included, and in the 'objective' section, politics, economy, society, and culture should be included. Contents related to cultural properties should be added to the sub-themes in the 'content system and achievement standards', and cultural properties-related contents should be further reinforced in the achievement standards, 'teaching, learning and evaluation'. It was suggested that this section should include cultural property learning and historical material learning, and guidance on teaching and learning methods of cultural property education should be added. If these aspects are reflected in the 2022 revised curriculum that is currently being developed, cultural property education will be improved, and more lively history education will be provided to students.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Information Security & Cryptology
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• v.25 no.5
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• pp.1269-1279
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• 2015

Korea is recognized as the most advanced nation in regards to capabilities or environments of informatization throughout the world. Nevertheless, Korea brings on itself such stigmas as a nation vulnerable to information security. Now the globe ushered in an era requiring political balances. Yet, issues of legislative supports or system adjustments for information security policies are always pushed back on the priority list. There is a need to face problems at the center of changes departing from such frames. In order to establish a proper system for information security policies, the most urgent issues are reviews of concepts and reorganizations of systems, and then to legislate information security polities by being harmonious with public opinions. This paper is to remind what measures are needed to improve the system of priority policies depending on public backgrounds and why such measures are needed. Furthermore, the paper suggests a new legislation, 'Information Security Policy Act' as one of the specific measures.

• The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
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• v.42 no.3
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• pp.15-29
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• 2011

The Fish Stock Rebuilding Plan (FSRP) is evaluated as one of the most effective fisheries policies domestically and internationally. FSRP is a comprehensive fisheries policy, including target stock size, rebuilding period, application of management measures, and participation of fishermen. The performance outcomes of FSRPs have been partially evaluated for recommendation for stock rebuilding in Korea, while they are fully evaluated in other countries that have implemented FSRPs. The performance evaluation system for FSRP is very needed to enhance its effectiveness as one of fisheries policies. That is, the system where problems can be reconsidered, achieving targets can be evaluated, and the plan can be modified should be implemented. This study classified the performance evaluation of FSRP into the economic evaluation as a quantitative analysis and the policy evaluation as a qualitative analysis. In the economic evaluation, the sustainability of fishery resources, the stability of fishing business, the efficiency of fishery production, and efficient utilization of fishery resources can be considered. As analytical methods for the economic evaluation, the bioeconomic model, efficiency estimation model, the dynamic MEY model can be utilized. The qualitative evaluation is to assess the qualitative performances of FSRPs, including interviews and surveys with fishermen and fisheries experts. In the survey, many different items can be included by evaluation factors which are related to policies such as timeliness, transparency, effectiveness, etc. In addition, the study suggested the performance evaluation system and procedures for objective and efficient evaluation of FSRPs. In order to practically apply the developed performance evaluation model, the pilot project is needed. That is, from the application of pilot project, detailed research methods, effective procedures, and evaluation factors can be investigated.