• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.45-87
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• 2014

This study traces the possibility of political change in the Malaysian electoral history, especially by focusing on the 13th general election held in May 2013. The results of the 13th general election was another turning point in the history of Malaysia's electoral politics. Following after the 12th general election held in 2008, opposition coalition(PR) achieves a remarkable electoral result by obtaining over 50% of the total votes. Opposition parties also successfully collapsed the ruling coalition(BN)'s two-third majority in parliamentary. It was de-facto defeat of the ruling coalition and victory of the opposition coalition. More precisely, the 2013 election results show that the reformasi movement, which was active in 1998-99 period, are still alive and its impact on Malaysian electoral politics get stronger. Malaysia has long been considered as a typical electoral authoritarian regime since its independence in 1957. It is because that there has been negative relations between electoral politics and political change through out its electoral history. As shown in the most recent two general elections held in 2008 and 2013, however, Malaysia's hegemonic political system can be possibly changed through electoral politics. This article examines the detailed results of the series of post-reformarsi general elections(1999, 2004, 2008, 2013) and its political implications towards the nexus of electoral politics and political change under the electoral authoritarian regime in Malaysia.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing Administration
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.321-349
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• 1998

Since 1990 the effort for unification has been active in each department of our society. But the study for health policy in Unified Korea has been scarce. Unified Korea should be a democracy and a constitutional state. So we should have lively discussion on the health law as well as unified general laws. The purpose of this study is to compare the health law of South Korea and North Korea and to understand the differences in them. We guess both Korea are considerably different each other. But this study found out that there are many health related laws that have same goals and contents. The reason for this is that both health laws have its root in Korea Law. And the right to health is the social basic right. whose characteristic can not be compatible with market economy and demands state intervention for securing the right to health. The health related laws are divided into 4 fileds. 1. There is a field A which is affected by unified political and economic system and differs little from the law system: the license system of medical personnel. 2. There is a field B which is seldom affected by unified political and economic system and differs little from the law system: the right and duty of medical personnel. quarantine law. 3. There is a field C which is affected by unified political and economic system and differs greatly from the law system: health institution law(exclusive of quarantine law), the laws of medical personnel category, of research center(especially per-mission, registration and establishment). of the role of basic health in private and public area. 4. There is a field D which is seldom affected by unified political and economic system and differs greatly from the law system: health equipment law(the laws of drugs, of cosmetics and of medical instrument. of blood management). the laws of health knowledge. of cooperation in chinese medicine and western medicine. the health promotion law. the rules of first-aid. the law of separation of dispensary from medical practice. The laws which are seldom affected by political and economic system can be consolidated. which in turn can be revised and enacted before unification of Korea through the interchange between North Korea and South Korea and the support to North Korea health system.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.41-62
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• 2017

The political reformation in Indonesia is a determinant factor of the change in political communications and the roles of media. Currently, the political elites need media support, since it contextually has a significant role. Whoever has a good relationship with the media, will be loved by the public. On the other hand, the media also have a vested interest in the elite in running businesses and building the power of industry. Policies and capital pose a challenge to maintaining the continuity of the media. Independence and control of media are at stake, when the interests of the media and the elite collaborate with each other and then build a benefit on both sides. Meanwhile, the role of social media also cannot be neglected. The Indonesian political communication system is characterized by the presence of social media in a pseudo-relationship between the elite and the public. This paper tries to explain the growing trends of research in the academic environment and the research trends in political practice in Indonesia after the occurrence of post-reformation era in legislative and executive elections. The method used is the meta-analysis of research outcomes of university (dissertations) and secondary data sources. Data processing is done by meta-analysis of secondary data. The results of meta-analysis research indicate that, the objective conditions, in Indonesia, especially the political conditions, stimulate new spaces in communication research. The study of political communication becomes dominant in the academic environment. In addition, communication research is also characterized by a shift from the linear perspective (positivistic paradigm) to the interactive perspective (naturalistic paradigm). On the other hand, the development of politic and governance situations in Indonesia has prompted the establishment of polling agencies that help citizens understand the maps of political power and candidates in general elections and regional head elections.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.36
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• pp.198-230
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• 2006

The aim of the this study is to observer paradoxal phenomenon in media election. The media, especially Television, was traditionally a journalistic operation representing political events on the outside of political camp. But recently, it intervenes to 'the political camp' as the most important method for election campaign. A centripetal of electronic medias making the dominant political space offer an alternative plan which get over the modern crisis of representative democracy. Even though, to the production of the political symbol and the operation of symbol which constitute substantial system of political action, the human being subject is excluded and the technical system of communication make up a govern structure. So it makes the contradictory situation. TV broadcast for election campaigning show well this paradoxal situation. The institutionalization of electoral broadcasting oriented by the State strengthens an immensification, an economical and political efficiency and a transparency of electoral campaign. But the means which controls the mind of public is also strengthened. It relates the production and circulation of the political symbol and the symbolic image restricted by dominator. In conclusion, this study argues that the media election is institutionalized by the instrumental reason(procedural rationality of politics and technological rationality of broadcasting), therefore the candidate take a fragment roles for the production of transcendental political symbol and the voters accommodate to the symbolic images which are foreseen and they judge.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.59-85
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• 2021

This study focuses on the impact of China's system on the goals and strategies of public diplomacy for its actors and actions. In other words, China, which aims to assimilate the Western political values and systems, is special in setting the goals and strategies pursued through public diplomacy. Therefore, China often uses the historical and cultural agenda that it shares mainly in order to promote public diplomacy in the neighboring countries of Northeast Asia such as Taiwan and Korea, who have different systems. This phenomenon is an important key of explaining the vulnerability of China's public diplomacy in the face of political and security insecurity. Also, because of China's authoritarian politics and national-social relations, China can pursue efficient public diplomacy. On the other hand, however, such phenomenon provides an answer to why China's public diplomacy is not an effective buffer in the face of political and security conflicts with neighboring countries. Based on this framework, this study seeks to find answers to Why is China's public diplomacy not strong enough to ease political and security conflicts with neighboring countries?

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.233-249
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• 2022

Hizb ut-Tahrir (HT) is an Islamic social movement that struggles to change the existing political system to the Islamic system. HT argues that all problems in the Muslim world are rooted in adopting secular thought and ideology and the separation between Islam and the state. Hence, HT works to persuade Muslims to abandon that way of life and only apply Islam as the country's only ideology and constitution. HT has spread this narrative since it started in 1953 in Jordan. With this ideological and political attitude, many countries consider HT a threat to their political and community life, suppressing this movement by arresting members and banning the group to reduce or end HT activities in these countries. The Indonesian government has also carried out this repressive policy to limit the influence of Indonesian HTI since 2017. This paper aims to discuss the strategy of Hizb ut-Tahrir to continue its political activities Indonesia after being dissolved by the Indonesian government in 2017. This article used content analysis method to interpret the data collected from interview and documents from Hizb ut-Tahrir. Responding to state repression, HTI sought other methods of action by changing the place of resistance or activities, and by changing its identity.

• 중국학논총
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• no.65
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• pp.215-234
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• 2020

This paper aims to analyze the recent consolidation of Xi Jinping's power in the context of political reform of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and reason out its implications. After Reform and Opening Up, the CCP needed to adapt to the changing society, secure its legitimacy and reinforce its ruling power. Therefore, the CCP has practiced political reform focused on intra-democracy since 16th Party Congress in 2002. Intra-democracy in the CCP's collective leadership consists of two parts: a stable power succession, based on term limits and age limits, and a democratic management system, based on checks and compromises between political factions. Those mechanisms of intra-democracy are still functioning in the Xi Jinping era, which explains that the consolidation of Xi's power is the result of the agreement in the CCP. In other words, it is a short-term change to efficiently deal with challenges the CCP is facing.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.1-47
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• 2022

This paper introduces a politico-economic model with a welfare state and immigration. In this model, policies on taxes and immigration are determined through a plurality voting system. While many studies of fiscal implications of immigration argue that relaxing immigration policies can substitute for tax reforms in an aging economy, I show that the democratic voting procedure can dampen the effect of relaxing immigration policies as desired policy reforms are not always implemented by the winner of an election. This political economy results in three types of social welfare losses. First, the skill composition is not balanced at a socially efficient level because workers are motivated to maximize their wages. Second, older retirees implement excessive taxes to maximize the size of the welfare state. Third, the volume of immigration is lower than the optimal level given the incentive by young workers to regain political power in the future.

• Journal of Ethics
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• no.82
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• pp.53-72
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• 2011

The North Korea have supported their own political ideological education system to maintain their basic framework of society. The north korean political education contents become from now on it be done harder. That answer is up to the government of the North Korea, and the general public in North Korea would be going after it. However, when we review this closely, both positions of the North Korean government and the general public would be different each other as before. I would figure out whether the political ideological education system in North Korea would be going on with making realistic changes or just maintaining their old system. The political and ideological education might make settled flexibility. On the other hand, we can expect that it could be reinforced by the North Korean government. For this content, this research is going to try to understand the characteristics of North Korea's ideological education policy considering both position of the North Korean government and the general public thoroughly.

• 한국노년학
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.563-578
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• 2009

Public pension system of western welfare states has been maintained by transfers of public resources between working-age population and old-age population. But population aging cause the problem of fiscal burden on pension financing, so cutback on public spending for the elderly has been on the issue at public agenda. The argument on public spending for the elderly is more aggressively proceeded in the United States than any other welfare states. The argument is concerned with the problems of generation and is going under the rhetoric name of 'Generational Equity' which contends unequal distribution of social resources such as federal budget within generations. This article analyzes the background of 'Generational Equity' perspective and the reason why that argument is actively going forward in the U. S. and political-economy context of that argument. Generational Equity perspective contends that the elderly are getting more benefits and high spending on the elderly has contributing to the rising poverty rate of children. But there are lots of objection to this perspective on the ground that the perspective has weak positive evidences. The reason that 'Generational Equity' perspective has the power only in the U. S. but other welfare states is mainly due to that pluralistic political regime and selective welfare system. This research presents that political-economy meaning of 'Generational Equity' perspective is related to the political regime and welfare system of the society itself. And this research has the implication that our society having a selective welfare system would take a risk of encountering 'Generational Equity' social debate in the near future.