• The Southeast Asian review
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• 제22권2호
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• pp.95-131
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• 2012

This study compares the two biggest Islamic organizations in Indonesia, Nahdlatul Ulama(NU) and Muhammadiyah. As previous studies focus on their theological and ideological aspects, this study tries to analyze not only their religious orientation but also position of religious leaders, organizational structure, leadership system, routine activities and susceptibility to new religious change. The second part of this paper deals with religious and socio-political backgrounds under which the two organizations were established and with differences in the ways of interpreting Islamic teachings. This will provide the basis for understanding the dynamics of their later development. The third part explores religious authority supported by both. For this, perspectives on established religious schools, rational interpretation of the Scriptures, mystical practices and hereditary succession of religious leadership are to be analyzed. In addition, the ways different attitudes towards religious authority have impacted on organizational structure are to be examined. The topic of the fourth part is leadership composition, and blood and teacher-student relationships among chairpersons are to be analyzed. The last part deals with how different orientations of the two have impacted on their activities and especially on the ways of accommodating new religious ideas. For this, the ways 'liberal Islamic thought' has been introduced, accommodated and negotiated in each organization are to be compared with. With these discussions, it is expected that religious orientations, organizational structure, leadership system and organizational flexibility of the two can be understood. This analysis can help to have a glimpse on Islamic development in Indonesia and of socio-cultural and political influences the two have exerted on Indonesian society.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• 제23권2호
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• pp.5-36
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• 2017

"The Candle Revolution" impeached the Park government and elected the Moon government. The candlelight protesters demonstrated public anger associated with accumulated corruption and deep-rooted irregularities. Complete political reform is required to perform deep fundamental reform. It aims to transform democracy in a way that is more inclusive. Inclusive democracy contributes to making welfare state stronger. Inclusive democracy is made possible by proportional representation that allows progressive parties more seats and leverages. Proportional representation systems are characterized by higher degrees of redistribution and larger welfare state. Constitutional reform has to be focused on introducing parliamentary government. "Imperialistic" presidential system in Korea has no mechanism of checks and balances which are key characteristics of presidential systems. It has failed to attend the poverty and social inequality arising from globalization and neoliberal change since 2000s. Parliamentary government is supposed to deliver social policy when parties are more disciplined than in presidential system where political parties remain weak.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• 제17권3호
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• pp.97-114
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to analyze whether, in public organizations, a significant relationship can be found between transparency and information disclosure systems. The study also aims to analyze how the relationship has changed and whether political regimes and organization type matter for such changes. The meaning of information disclosure and the concept of transparency were reviewed through existing literature, the status of which was analyzed using related statistical data. Using a decade of disclosure rate and integrity index data from 2003 to 2013, the correlation between those two variables by political regimes and organization type was analyzed. To improve the information disclosure system and transparency in public organizations, ensuring the documentation of work process, providing the consumer with the information that he/she wants, and institutionalizing systems to evaluate transparency are important. The results of this study will be used as a basic material for understanding the relationship between the information disclosure system and transparency.

• International Area Studies Review
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• 제12권2호
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• pp.351-377
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• 2008

Corruption in China became increasingly serious during the early period of its social transition, resulting in severe economic losses and huge challenges to China's government institution, as well as gradually becoming socially widespread. Recently. China's political corruption is an outcome of the attenuated political control, which has been caused by a systemic change from planned economy to market economy since 1978, and the lack of institutionalization to relieve such transition. Besides, the immature market system and state's intervention in the economy are other factors for the corruption. In short, current China's corruption can be regarded as a structuralized phenomenon. This article identified such circumstance by analyzing the scope, degree, and scale of the corruption. Overall assessment of the some factors suggests that present economic modernization is a principal cause for Chinese corruption while the other factors-monopoly power system in the Chinese Communist Party and the transformation of connection-are important but secondary.

• Journal of Korea Trade
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• 제24권3호
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• pp.20-36
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• 2020

Purpose - As the global product network expands through both internationalization and diversification of the multimodal transportation system, corporate strategies have shifted to emphasize the importance of a high value-added international logistics system. To guide policies and strategies to attract relevant industries, this study aims to analyze the location competitiveness of regional logistics distribution center to serve Northeast Asia. Design/methodology - Multi-criteria techniques are considered to offer a promising framework for evaluating decision-making factors. This paper employed an analytic hierarchy process to analyze the hierarchal structure of determinants for selecting the location of a regional logistics distribution center. Adopting both qualitative and quantitative evaluations, this study suggest political implications for a regional logistics distribution center development, such as the direction of political support, service differentiation and infrastructure development. Findings - This study developed a location competitiveness evaluation model, based on the case study of the major port-cities in Northeast Asia. Evaluation model incorporates five factors underpinning 17 components extracted using factor analysis. The results revealed that the logistics factor is the most significant factor for evaluating the competitiveness of a regional logistics distribution center. The remaining factors were market, costs, and services environment. Comparing qualitative and quantitative evaluations, results provide useful insights for a regional logistics distribution center development in Northeast Asia. Originality/value - This study revealed differences between qualitative and quantitative evaluations. The finding implies that prior works on evaluation models of competitiveness has not successfully measured the gap between quantitative data and expert' evaluations. To overcome this limitation, this paper considered both actual data such as actual distance, cost, the number of companies located, and expert opinions.

• Journal of Korea Trade
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• 제26권3호
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• pp.23-44
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• 2022

Purpose - Recent issues such as vessel enlargement, strengthening of environmental regulations, and port smartization are expected to increase costs and intensify competition in the port industry. In the new normal era, when external growth has reached its limit, the efficient operation of ports is becoming indispensable for achieving sustainable growth. This study aims to identify the determinants of inefficiency by examining the cost structure and efficiency of container terminals in Korea and furthermore propose the political implications to derive the maximization of efficiency. Design/methodology - This study estimates the cost function of container terminal operators and identifies the efficiency of container terminals using stochastic cost frontier (SCF) in the first stage. In the second step, the SCF results are compared with the data envelopment analysis (DEA). Last, this paper proposes efficiency determinants on container terminal operation to establish appropriate strategies. Out of the 29 container terminal operators in South Korea, 13 operators participated in the survey. The translog cost function was estimated utilizing a total of 116 observations collected over the 2007-2017 period. Findings - Empirical analysis shows that economies of scale exist in Korea's container ports, which provides a rationale for the government's policy to establish the global terminal operator by integrating small terminal operators to enhance competitiveness. In addition, as a result of the determinants analysis, container throughput, weight of direct employment costs, and labour cost share have positive effects on improving cost efficiency, while inefficiency increases as the length of quay increases. More specifically, cost efficiency improves as the proportion of direct employment costs to outsourcing service costs increases. Originality/value - This study contributes to analyzing the inefficiency factors of container terminals through efficiency analysis with respect to a cost function. In addition, this study proposes the practical and political implications, such as establishing a long-term manpower pool, the application of the hybrid liner terminal system, and the construction of a statistical data system, to improve the cost inefficiency of terminal operators.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• 제15권2호
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• pp.131-158
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• 2009

20 years has passed since June democratization movement of 1987 that made the representative system worked democratically on the basis of free election politics. So far, democratic movement bloc has been elected to government power at least two times. Conservative bloc of old ruling forces made a peaceful re-turn-over and grasped the government power. It looks that electoral democracy has been working very well. But people's distrust in Korean politics is not decreasing. Recently, crisis of representation is discussed. Korean representative system faces the dual tasks. One originates from the delay of institutional reform, another from the change of political circumstances. This paper diagnose the Korean representative democracy of today, focusing on those dual tasks. Especially, it is proposed to reform the present Korean presidentialism of winner-takes-all power structure. It is also to resolve the problem of Korean parliamentary politics deeply depending on the presidency.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• 제37권4호
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• pp.317-336
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• 2002

Dongrae-bu, the administrative central area in Busan in Chosun-dynasty(1392-1910), performed the large parts of diplomatic and trading functions with Japan because of its geographical conditions. Because of his location, landscape of Dongrae city-wall is the mirror of political and military meaning in Chosun-dynasty period. Elements of landscape, such as site of city-wall, location and morphology of gates, government official buildings and the road systems can be interpreted by the functional and socio-cultural terms. The changes of landscape during Japanese colonial period(1910-1945) show that destruction of city-walt went on for the purpose of imperialism. Especially, the landscape which had political meaning in Chosun-dynasty had erased in terms of modem urban planning. Cates of city-wall, official guest house, fortress which symbolize the governing and political power of Chosun-dynasty were destructed almost perfectively. New road system was imported Urban planning was effective instrument through which city-wall could be destroyed for the Japanese colonialism. Under those processes, traditional structure was changed towards the dependency on Japan. Those relict landscape are remained in present urban landscape such as road system, cul-de sac, house and cornerstones. Those results of this study show that city-wall in Korea should be studied in terms of socio-cultural aspects in each periods.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• 제10권1호
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• pp.67-82
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• 2004

There is a general agreement that the global social-economic system is undergoing fundamental changes, which can be explained in terms of the transformation of production system from the Fordism to Post-Fordism since the 1980s. These fundamental changes have resulted in the 'new urbanization' process in the most of large cities in the developed countries. The aim of this paper is to identify the 'new urbanization' process in a large city in Korea that is, Daejon. For the propose, this paper tries to examine and conceptualize empirically the changes of economic, political, social-cultural, and spatial aspects of Daejon metropolis in the respect of 'new urbanization'. The major findings of this essay are summarized as follows. First of all, Daejon economy has experienced new changes, that is the development of service economy and high tech industry. But the old industry still remain important in the urban economy. Secondly, in the political aspect, new civil movements flourish in the city, while the political power of Jaminlyeon, a pro-conservative and narrow-regionalism party, once dominated this region, has decreased its influence. Thirdly. the original CBD of Daejon has been declined while new (sub-)CBBs have emerging in Daejon spatial structures. In conclusion, we can find some clues of the new urbanization process in Daejon, but this process is still quite slow and somewhat different from those of large cities of the developed countries.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• 제16권4호
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• pp.355-368
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• 2010

This study is to make a framework of newly interpretating the dynamic change of regional or local landscape rapidly occurred after the establishment of the nation state and capitalistic system. The basic concepts of making an interpretative framework are power, subjectivity, and performativity. The framework of closely interrelating the three concepts developed in the near future will be applied to the interpretation of variety of (de)centralized landscapes in regions or locals. A centralized political power under the nation state has destroyed or marginalized the historically developed landscapes, traditional culture, and subjects' values in regions or locals by the political implementation of the nation state, the establishment of national identity, a centralized economic development, and so on. The landscapes produced by the political power of the nation state can take a role as a cause of conflicts in regions or locals in terms of a historical perspective. Landscapes are being made by various subjects, and the produced landscapes also positively or negatively will influence the emotion, cognition, and behavior of the subjects particularly in a performative perspective. The dynamics interrelation between subjects and landscapes has been disguised or marginalized by reason/rationality, totality/collectivity, the separation between reason and emotion mainly made by modernism, the nation state, a capitalistic system. The interrelation between landscapes and subjects is especially emphasized on people's resistibility and creativity. Lastly, landscape is not a concept given as a priori or (re)presented objectively. It is not also a material or an object independently existed from a subject's emotion and cognition. It should be interpreted through a performative relation with subjects. Performativity will take an active role of combining the materiality of landscape, power, and subjectivity. It is also important to understand the active role of landscapes.