• Survey Research
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.37-57
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• 2001

Much effort has been made to measure regional difference showing the pattern of regionalism in Korea. Focusing the concept of social distance. this paper examines various election and regional preference data. The paper presets three major findings. First. current election data show clear regional cleavage. Second. regional discrimination and prejudice is often found in one's everyday life. Third, political aspect of regionalism is strongly related to social aspect of regionalism. These findings suggest that regionalism in Korea will survive for the time being. The regionalism is rooted in everyday life . To political elites. it became an attractive and economic way to maintain their power. This tendency will promote the preference for parliamentary system among political elites and the possibility of appearance of regional party

• Informatization Policy
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.73-95
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• 2015

This research has a purpose to verify whether the Internet diffusion through the Official Development Assistance (ODA) can bring about democratic changes in authoritarian political system of developing countries. This research has found out that IT ODA has 'positive(+)' effect on the Internet diffusion in recipient countries. It seems to support the expectation of donor countries that they can lead the political democratization by constructing infrastructure and promoting the use of the Internet. However, as the impact of IT ODA on the Internet diffusion is not considerable as well as the Internet diffusion has no strong influence on the development of democracy in developing countries, and also each of these aspects of countries looks different, it is hard to see that the democratization hypothesis based on the optimistic technological determinism is reasonable. Therefore, this paper argues that IT ODA must be based on not blind optimism that IT transfer will lead to the political democratization in developing countries, but the social structuralism which is based on distinctiveness and uniqueness of countries. and suggests that the discuss of the effect of IT ODA proceed with the constructive way.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.27
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• pp.31-57
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• 2012

The 19th century could not relatively receive attention from local researchers because it was treated as the past cut off from the present as the formative period of modern states of Latin America. According to the characteristics of area studies which focus on changes of politics and society, studies on past affairs could not have been the main focus of attention. But as new liberalism has appeared in Latin America, is throwing the spotlight on liberalism. In addition, the studies on the 19th century have been activated and gradually expanded. And interpretation about the 19th century's history has been variously arranged. Especially, discussion on liberalism and conservatism was established as the key words which can understand and reconsider Latin America in the 19th century. Colombian liberalism which could not overcome heritage of the colonial period in the 19th century and did appear advocating reformation was another form of authoritarianism. Reformation promoted by liberalism was utilized to keep privilege of the ruling class, not to remove the social and economic structure derived from the colonial period. New reformist forces which advocated mercantilism after the middle of the 19th century but they were formed based on the existing system. Colombian Liberal Party was developed as "Another name of conservatization" by reflecting understanding of the conservatives. Colombian liberalists preferred federalism to cut off from repressive characteristics of Spanish colonial rule and secure autonomy of local control through reformation based on economic understanding. Therefore, discussion on the form of government which focused on federalism and centralism acted as the causes of conflict between Colombian liberalism and conservatism. Based on this point, this study tries to analyze liberalism reforms which is the main issue in the Colombian history in the 19th century and consider history of Colombian political conflicts focusing on federalism. The origin of Violencia which is the political violence and Colombian history in the 19th century which has been a series of rebellion can be considered through this procedure.

• Knowledge Management Research
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.107-127
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• 2021

This study examines the effect of general corporate employees' perception of organizational politics, which is widespread and negatively perceived in Korean companies, on their reaction behavior. In particular, the mediating effect of cynicism and the moderating effect of commitment was analyzed. As a result of the analysis, it was confirmed that organizational political perception had a positive effect on cynicism, and cynicism had a significant effect on exit, loyalty, and neglect. In addition, the moderating effect of commitment between cynicism, exit, and neglect was confirmed. Through this study, it was demonstrated that the higher the organizational political perception, the higher the cynicism and the negative reaction behavior. It was intended to suggest the organizational system improvement and the importance of human resource management through it.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.57 no.2
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• pp.217-235
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• 2011

On recognizing the significance of Walter Benjamin's "The Task of a Translator" in recent discourses of postcolonial cultural translation, this essay examines the creative postcolonialist appropriations of Benjamin's theory of translation and their political implications. In an effort to dismantle the imperialist political hierarchy between the West and the non-West, modernity and its "primitive" others, which has been the operative premise of the traditional translation studies and anthropology, newly emergent discourses of cultural translation actively adopts Benjamin's notion of translation that does not prioritize the original text's claim on authenticity. Benjamin theorizes each text-translation as well as the original-as an incomplete representation of the pure language. Eschewing formalistic views propounded by deconstructionist critics like Paul de Man, who tend to regard Benjamin's notion of the untranslatable purely in terms of the failure inherent in the language system per se, such postcolonialist critics as Tejaswini Niranjana, Rey Chow, and Homi Bhabha, each in his/her unique way, recuperate the significatory potential of historicity embedded in Benjamin's text. Their further appropriation of the concept of the "untranslatable" depends on a radically political turn that, instead of focusing on the failure of translation, salvages historical as well as cultural potentiality that lies between disparate cultural entities, signifying differences, or disjunctures, that do not easily render themselves to existing systems of representation. It may therefore be concluded that postcolonial discourses on cultural translation of Niranhana, Chow, and Bhabha, inspired by Benjamin, each translate the latter's theory into highly politicized understandings of translation, and this leads to an extensive rethinking of the act of translation itself to include all forms of cultural exchange and communicative activities between cultures. The disjunctures between these discourses and Benjamin's text, in that sense, enable them to form a sort of theoretical constellation, which aspires to an impossible yet necessary utopian ideal of critical thinking.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.37-60
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• 2021

Before the tenth century, the dress of elite women in and around China often reflected "Han" Chinese fashions and preferences. In funerary paintings and relief sculptures of Sogdian and Xianbei couples from the sixth century, for example, women wear "Han" Chinese-style clothing. Even in the Tang dynasty (ca. 618-907), when exchange with Central Asia via overland Silk Road trade impacted the styles and patterning of elite dress and men incorporated clear Central Asian attributes into their dress, elite women in the Tang sphere wore recognizably Tang fashions. Chinese-style dress in these centuries clearly conveyed cultural import and, likely, political power, especially after the founding of the Tang dynasty. However, the straightforward borrowing of Tang women's dress shifted in the Khitan Liao dynasty (ca. 907-1125). The Liao, in contrast to other states that shared a border with China in previous centuries, saw themselves as political equals to the Song dynasty (ca. 960-1278) court in the south. The Liao court was interested in Song customs and culture and incorporated artistic motifs and practices from the Song court. However, the Liao courtly idiom was never fully subsumed into the greater world of the Song - rather, the Liao used facets of Song courtly culture for their own ends. One way this is manifested is through the dual administrative system, a bureaucratic organization that, among other things, regulated and distinguished between who was permitted to wear Khitan and non-Khitan dress. In this paper, I will examine the material evidence from funerary contexts for how the dress of elite Liao women both engaged with the dress of the Song, while also maintaining a certain amount of cultural autonomy. Through their dress, elite Liao women signaled clear messages about their status, identity, and difference to their Song counterparts.

• Asia-pacific Journal of Multimedia Services Convergent with Art, Humanities, and Sociology
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• v.8 no.6
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• pp.475-483
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• 2018

The purpose of this study to understand the vocational education of China and to analyze the developing process of vocational education in China. Recently, the major countries of the world of modern society has its government leaders is how much to foster creativity and the rise and fall depending on whether they really value is determined claims. There are 1327 Tertiary Vocational Colleges, with 10 million students in 2015. Together with 14million secondary vocational education students, China owns the largest scale of vocational education in the world. China has not fully established a modern market. Under the economy, the enterprise was the administrative adjunct of the state, and the enterprise was the social and political production function, and the political ethics prevailed that ethics. Literature review and historial approach were utilized as the methodology for this study. The system of vocational education in China is composed of elementary, secondary, and higher stage. The vocational education in China has been developed flexibly along with the social change while keeping the main philosophy of Chinese socialism. The main factors to bring about the change of vocational education in China is, political and philosophical, economical change.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.46 no.3
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• pp.119-133
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• 2021

After 'Zhou Chuchu (走出去, Go global)' in the early 2000s, and with the 'One-to-One Road' initiative in 2012, China's Overseas Foreign Direct Investment (OFDI) has increased significantly, resulting in high academic interest. The purpose of this study is to analyze the impact of national risks of home country on China's OFDI by using data from 49 countries along the 'One-to-One Road' between 2007 and 2018, and to compare the factors of national risks that attract investment from the world. As a result of the study, market economy companies' perceptions of national risks are mostly negative, so risk acts as a deterrent to investment. On the other hand, national risks of home countries have had positive effects on China's OFDI, which would mean that Chinese investors, mostly state-owned enterprises have a high tendency to invest in regions or countries with high national risks. Other economic factors, such as the size of the investment partner country's market, GNI per capita, and trade openness, had a positive (+) effect, and natural resources had a negative (-) effect on China's OFDI. As dummy variables, FTA, which is an economic and diplomatic factor, SCO, which is a political and diplomatic factor, and bordering which is a geographical factor, were also found to have a positive (+) effect. This study implies the investment pattern of China's OFDI is due to the characteristics of China's unique geopolitical and economic system, and it is judged to be influenced by political and strategic factors, especially the aspects led by state-owned enterprises.

• Journal of Multimedia Information System
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• v.3 no.3
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• pp.77-84
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• 2016

The sailors on seagoing ships experience much difficulty in communicating with their families, friends or associates ashore due to communication cost or technical difficulties so that they are sometimes unable to adapt to the rapid social changes promptly. This is mainly the result of an insufficient Information and Communication Technology (ICT)-environment on their ships. To surmount such a problem, an electronic shipboard voting system that guarantees the publicness and absolute secrecy in voting process has been proposed in this paper. The system not only helps crews to catch up with up-to-date news and provides them a feeling that they are being connected to the everyday lives of the outside world, but also allows them to cast their votes based on the newly acquired information (e.g., current political or economic situations in their respective regions and etc.).

• Journal of Fisheries and Marine Sciences Education
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.22-33
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• 2014

This study is to diagnose the present superintendent election and education standing committee system for improvement based upon Constitutional values of local education system. The findings are the followings. To improve the election system of superintendent it is recommended to maintain present election system rather than change it drastically since the present system ensure relatively more autonomy, expertise, and political neutrality of local education system. However, the qualification such as years of educational experiences of superintendent candidates need to be restored. Regarding education standing committee it suggest that all or at least 2/3 members need to be educational representatives rather than general representatives. For superintendent as well as education standing committee election, it needs to elaborate the vote ballet such as change of candidates name order by voting place to reduce its effects to election results. It also needs to strengthen public management of election such as expenses and TV forums among candidates.