• 동남아시아연구
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• 제23권1호
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• pp.1-44
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• 2013

This study examined the constitutional engineering of the Philippine democracy in terms of power sharing and accountability, and the effectiveness and stability of the Philippine democracy as a result were assessed. Based on the analysis, the nature of the present Philippine democratic system since 1986 was brought to light. This study argues that the system of power sharing between the President and the congress in the Philippines tends to serve for negotiating political interests among the power elites rather than functioning in a constructive way. And the public accountability system is not functioning as it was designed to do. Due to the defects the Philippine democracy continuously suffers the lack of political effectiveness and stability. Despite of the problem, the reason not to break down the system would be the fact that the system served for the oligarchic power elites to circulate and recreate the political power exclusively. The direction of the Philippine constitutional engineering should be weakening the present traditional elite dominated political system, and strengthening the chances of political participation from the various classes. Some concerned people suggested the constitutional change to parliamentary system in order to strengthening party politics, and federal system to cope with the problems of regional conflicts, but such efforts failed repeatedly due to the conflict of political interests. Considering the present circumstance, it would be advisable to reform political party law and election system in the direction of strengthening political party system, and to expand the scope of local government system in the direction of devolving the centralized political power.

• 한국시스템다이내믹스연구
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• 제13권3호
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• pp.5-22
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• 2012

Although many system dynamists point out the close relationship between institutional economics and system dynamics, the relationship between institutional political theory and system dynamics approach is not explicitly appreciated yet. We developed a system dynamics model to investigate theoretical propositions of institutional politics. Our system dynamics model showed how the endogenous mechanism can explain the political changes as well as orders. Although simple in the causal structure, our model could show a complex behavior of political competition. Several simulation results imply that some unexpected changes in election and power competition may come from the endogenous system rather than from exogenous factors such as economic and environmental shocks.

• 한국연극학
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• 제52호
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• pp.5-59
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• 2014

This paper investigates the development and aesthetics of Korean political theatre from its quickening period 1920s to democratization era 1990s. Political theatre before 90s developed an antithesis resistant movement toward Korean modern history that had been scattered with suppressing political circumstances such as colonial era and dictatorial government, the movement has powerful activity and social influences. Just like the 20 century political theatre had been quickened under the influence of Marxism at Russia and Germany in 1920s, Korea's political theatre began in socialism theatre movement form around the same time. Proletarian theatre groups had been founded in Japan and Korea, and developed into practical movement with organized connection. However, the political theatre movement in Japanese colonial era was an empty vessel makes great sound but not much accomplishments. Most performance had been canceled or disapproved by suppression or censorship of the Japanese Empire. The political theatre in liberation era was the left drama inherited from Proletarian theatre of the colonial era. Korean Theatre alliance took lead the theatrical world unfold activities based on theatre popularization theory such as 'culture activists' taking a jump up the line and 'independent theatre' peeping into production spot as well as the important event, Independence Movement Day Memorial tournament theatre. Since 1947, US army military government in Korea strongly oppressed the left performances to stop and theatrical movement was ended due to many left theatrical people defection to North Korea. The political theatre in 1960s to 70s the Park regime, developed in dramatically different ways according to orthodox group and group out of power. The political theatre of institutional system handled judgment on sterile people and had indirect political theatre from that took history material and allegory technique because of censorship. In political theatre out of institution, it started outdoor theatre that has modernized traditional performance style and established deep relationship with labor spot and culture movement organizations. Madangguek(Outdoor theatre) is 'Attentive political theatre', satirizing and offending the political and social inconsistencies such as the dictatorial government's oppression and unbalanced distribution, alienation of general people, and foreign powers' pillage sharply as well as laughing at the Establishment with negative characters. The political theatre in 1980s is divided into two categories; political theatre of institutional system and Madangguek. Institutional Political theatre mainly performed in Korea Theatre Festival and the theatre group 'Yeonwoo-Moudae' led political theatre as private theatre company. Madangguek developed into an outdoor theatrical for indoor theatre capturing postcolonial historical view. Yeonwoo-Moudae theatre company produced representative political plays at 80s such as The chronicles of Han's, Birds fly away too, and so on by combining freewheeling play spirit of Madangguek and epic theatre. Political theatre was all the rage since the age of democratization started in 1987 and political materials has been freed from ban. However, political theatre was slowly declined as real socialism was crumbling and postmodernism is becoming the spirit of the times. After 90s, there are no more plays of ideology and propaganda that aim at politicization of theatre. As the age rapidly entered into the age of deideology, political theatre discourse also changed greatly. The concept 'the political' became influential as a new political possibility that stands up to neoliberalism system in the evasion of politics. Rather than reenact political issues, it experiments new political theatre that involves something political by deconstructing and reassigning audience's political sense with provocative forms, staging others and drawing discussion about it.

• 품질경영학회지
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• 제49권1호
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• pp.17-29
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• 2021

Purpose: During 2015-2019, the average amount of political donation to the national assembly members in Korea was 1,000 won per person. Despite its benefits such as receiving tax credits, the donation system has not been actively practiced. This paper aims to promote political donations by suggesting a recommendation system of national assembly members by analysing the bills they proposed. Methods: In this paper, we propose a recommendation system based on two aspects: how similar the newly proposed or ammended bills are to the sponsors' interest (similarity index) and how much effort national assembly members put into those bills (intensity index). More than 25,000 bills were used to measure the recommendation quality index consisted with both the similarity and the intensity indices. Word2vec was used to calculate the similarity index of the bills proposed by the national assembly member to the sponsor's interest. The intensity index is calculated by diving the number of newly proposed or entirely revised bills with the number of senators who took part in those bills. Subsequently, we multiply the similarity index by the intensity index to obtain the recommendation quality index that can assist sponsors to identify potential assembly members for their donation. Results: We apply the proposed recommendation system to personas for illustration. The recommendation system showed an average f1 score about 0.69. The analysis results provide insights in recommendation for donation. Conclusion: n this study, the recommendation system was proposed to promote a political donation for national assembly members by creating the recommendation quality index based on the similarity and the intensity indices. We expect that the system presented in this paper will lower user barriers to political information, thereby boosting political sponsorship and increasing political participation.

• 비교교육연구
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• 제26권3호
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• pp.51-73
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• 2016

본 연구는 독일통일 후 구동독 지역에서 실시한 성인정치교육의 성과와 한계를 살펴보고 남북통일 후 북한주민 대상 민주시민교육을 실시하는데 있어서 참고할 수 있는 시사점을 도출하는데 그 목적이 있다. 구동독주민들은 통일과 함께 구동독지역에 이식된 체제에 적응하기 위해 새로운 체제에 대한 이해와 그에 관련된 지식, 정보의 습득을 위한 정치교육을 필요로 하였다. 이에 따라 통일 후 구동독지역에서 실시된 성인정치교육에서는 새로운 체제에 대한 이해, 일상생활에 필요한 법, 제도 등의 내용을 다룸으로써 구동독 주민이 새로운 체제에 적응하는데 기여하였다. 그러나 구동독지역의 성인정치교육은 구동독주민의 정치교육에 대한 무관심, 구동독주민의 특성을 고려하지 않은 내용 선정 등의 한계로 충분한 성과를 거두지 못하였다. 이에 따라 통일 후 북한주민 대상 민주시민교육을 실시하기 위해 북한주민의 경험과 특성을 고려한 내용 및 방법 선정 등을 고려하는 것이 필요한 것으로 나타났다.

• 한국시스템다이내믹스연구
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• 제12권3호
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• pp.47-66
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• 2011

South Korea has achieved remarkable social and economic development together with the process of democratization over the past 20 years. In the democratic process in South Korea, ordinary people have actively participated in conventional political activities such as elections. But recently, one of the salient phenomena is that the public have been showing political apathy associated with a light poll. Especially, the most serious concern in the political environment of South Korea is that young voters (e.g., 20-30s) have serious political apathy leading to low voter turnout. Regarding this concern, many political scientists argued that this political phenomenon is not only the case in South Korea, insisting that many consolidated democratic countries such as European countries and the US have the same problems. However, South Korea has contained different factors (e.g., historical, culture, social, and political differences) leading to political apathy and light poll. Unfortunately, no one has clearly explain the phenomenon. In fact, in order for scholars to understand and explain these concerns, they should carefully look at the phenomenon with diverse perspectives and approaches. The main purpose of this paper is to explain why the digital generation has political apathy and are reluctant to participate in political activities such as voting. Using causal loop analysis which is based on systematic thinking, we not only analyzed the pattern of the digital generation' political participation with regard to diverse perspectives, but also attempted to draw new political implications from the analysis. Based on our analysis, we tried to suggest some implications for political stability and development in South Korea in the future.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제7권4호
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• pp.207-225
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• 2019

Despite a vast amount of research on the relationship between personality traits and political attitudes, little is known about the effects of personality on individuals' support for the political system of their own country. Using three nationally representative datasets from South Korea, the present study shows that the personality dimensions - particularly, Agreeableness - are positively associated with political support, which encompasses confidence in the presidency, confidence in the government, and national pride. These findings suggest that two facets of Agreeableness - trust and compliance - are activated in expressing individuals' support for their political system. Thus, mobilizing citizens who score high on Agreeableness is essential to maintain political stability and legitimacy, but such a task appears to be difficult, given that ideological polarization discourages them from being politically active due to their propensity to conflict avoidance.

• 의정연구
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• 제15권1호
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• pp.237-260
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• 2009

본 연구는 민주주의 및 정당담론의 변화가 실질적인 정치자금제도의 변동을 유도하여 왔으며 이를 통해 다시금 전체적인 민주주의담론의 변화와 정치체계의 체제정합성 확대에 영향을 미쳐왔는가라는 문제를 제기한다. 독일의 정치자금 구조와 국고보조금 제도는 60년대부터 90년대 후반에 이르는 긴 논쟁과 갈등과정을 동반하며 형성되어 왔다. 국고보조금 도입 초기 이에 대한 비판여론은 극심하였던 것으로 보이며 독일 정당들은 이후 수십여 년 간 정당의 헌법적 지위를 현실화하기 위한 담론형성을 주도하여 왔다. 국고보조금제도는 여러 차례의 헌법재판소 판결과 정당 간의 치열한 논쟁을 동반하며 약 세 차례 근본적인 변동을 겪어 왔다. 그리고 이 변화 과정은 "의회민주주의체제 하에 국가와 사회를 매개하는 필수불가결한 제도로서의 정당"이라는 헌법해석이 어떻게 의회와 헌법재판소를 서서히 장악해왔는가를 보여준다.

• 국제지역연구
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• 제14권3호
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• pp.502-523
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• 2010

연방제는 중앙과 지방 사이에 권한이 적절히 분배되는 주권공유 원칙이 적용되는 정치 체제를 말한다. 연방제는 국가의 통일성을 유지하면서도, 지역간 차이를 고려하여 균등한 발전을 기하고, 인종 또는 지역간 차별성과 문화적 다양성을 조화시키려는 목적을 갖고 있다. 연방제 목적은 연방 구성 주체가 자신의 정치 엘리트를 충원하는 방식이 자율성을 지니고, 선택된 정치 엘리트들이 중앙으로부터 독립된 정책을 수행할 수 있을 때 보다 자유롭게 실현된다. 옐친에서 푸틴에 이르는 기간 동안 중앙 및 지방의 정치 엘리트 충원 방식이 중앙 정부의 정치적 목적에 따라 수정되면서, 러시아 연방제의 성격이 변화되었다. 임명되어진 정치 엘리트들이 지역의 이익에 기초된 정책 수행을 강행할 수 없게 되었다. 이러한 현상은 연방제의 고유한 의미를 퇴색시킬 수밖에 없다. 중앙 정부에 의해 임명된 지방의 정치 엘리트들이 지방의 이익이 아니라, 중앙 정부의 이익에 기초된 지방자치로 무게 중심을 이동시키기 때문이다. 본 논고는 러시아의 대통령 및 양원의 국회의원, 주지사 및 지방의회 의원들이 어떻게 충원되고 있으며, 이러한 충원 방식이 러시아 연방제의 성격을 어떻게 변화시키고 있는가의 문제를 다룬다.

• KSII Transactions on Internet and Information Systems (TIIS)
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• 제13권4호
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• pp.1825-1844
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• 2019

Political campaigns circulate manipulative opinions in online communities to implant false beliefs and eventually win elections. Not only is this type of manipulation unfair, it also has long-lasting negative impacts on people's lives. Existing tools detect political manipulation based on a supervised classifier, which is accurate when trained with large labeled data. However, preparing this data becomes an excessive burden and must be repeated often to reflect changing manipulation tactics. We propose a practical detection system that requires moderate groundwork to achieve a sufficient level of accuracy. The proposed system groups opinions with similar properties into clusters, and then labels a few opinions from each cluster to build a classifier. It also models each opinion with features deduced from raw data with no additional processing. To validate the system, we collected over a million opinions during three nation-wide campaigns in South Korea. The system reduced groundwork from 200K to nearly 200 labeling tasks, and correctly identified over 90% of manipulative opinions. The system also effectively identified transitions in manipulative tactics over time. We suggest that online communities perform periodic audits using the proposed system to highlight manipulative opinions and emerging tactics.