• Health Policy and Management
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.288-293
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• 2018

In 1994 Korea government began to develop the healthcare industry, since then the government has tried to create opportunities to promote the industry through various political efforts and policies. The biggest achievement was attracting foreign patients from 2009 to 2016 with a cumulative 1.56 million and total revenue of 3 trillion won. But Korea still loses the opportunity to become a global leader in the health care industry due to regulations and various ideological disputes. Accordingly, it is necessary to facilitate policy understanding and present a practical road map so that Korea's healthcare industry become a new growth engine that will lead the trend of global market in the future. It also suggests a national economic development paradigm, the health economy as health and economic value are rotated through a shift in view of health care. At this point, 20 years after the beginning of the healthcare industry development, it is necessary to evaluate the related policies and discuss effective future directions. In this sense, the purpose of this study is to examine the policies and limitations of the healthcare industry by each government division, and based on it, to propose political tasks for the future.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.5-28
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• 2019

This study suggests that Korea - Russia economic cooperation, which has been sluggish in the meantime, should be revitalized as a small, medium sized business that can be practiced at the local level of both countries. Some large scales of national projects were difficult to realize due to some internal and external factors. Therefore, if Russia's Far East region of the complementary economic structure with the Korea's Gyeonggi Province of Korea could form the basis of cooperation by centering on SMEs, it further can be positive for promoting cooperation among South Korea, North Korea and Russia. The trilateral cooperation among two Koreas and Russia is necessary for the balance of political and economic powers in the East Asia. China's retaliation case regarding THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Area Defense) clearly showed that the greater the economic dependence on a particular country, the more threatening it could be. Therefore, it is important for the political and economic security to keep the balance by diversifying economic cooperation counterparts. As China's influence in the global economy grows, building value chains for mutual prosperity with various neighboring countries is gaining great importance. To this end, this paper examined Russia's Eurasian Strategy, New East Policy, and Far East Development Policy which were designed to seek the way to establish Russia's independent economic zone not absorbed by Europe and China.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.61-93
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• 2015

This article assesses and examines democratic potentials of the Internet for U.S. citizens' political participation. The empirical analysis on the data from Pew Research Center's questionnaire survey focuses on four different political activities in both online and offline modes: casual political talk, contact with a government official, petition, and political contribution. The study answers two research inquiries: 1) How does the Internet influence the established patterns of political participation?; and 2) How does the Internet influence the demographic distribution of participatory inequality? Firstly, the Internet, by providing existing participants with additional tools for participation, reinforces conventional participation, rather than mobilizing new participation in politics. Secondly, the online patterns of the participation divide with respect to demographic characteristics imitate the traditional patterns of inequality and disproportionate representativeness in political participation. The Internet is still not a predominant medium for political activities. Citizens' utilization of its transformative and mobilizing potentials remains limited.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.90-117
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• 2019

How is science advice integrated in environmental policymaking? This is an increasingly pertinent question that is being raised since the nuclear catastrophe of Fukushima, Japan, in 2011. Global re-evaluation of energy policies and climate mitigation measures include discussions on how to better integrate science advice in policymaking, and at the same time keeping science independent from political influence. This paper addressed the policy discourse of setting up a national CO2 reduction target in Japanese policymaking between 2009 and 2012. The target proposed by the former DPJ government was turned down, and Japan lacked a clear strategy for long-term climate mitigation. The analysis provides explanations from a quantitative actor-network perspective. Centrality measures from social network analysis for policy actors in an environmental policy network of Japan were calculated to identify those actors that control the discourse. Data used for analysis comes from the Global Environmental Policy Actor Network 2 (GEPON 2) survey conducted in Japan (2012-13). Science advice in Japan was kept independent from political influence and was mostly excluded from policymaking. One of the two largest discourse coalitions in the environmental policy network promoted a higher CO2 reduction target for international negotiations but favored lowering the target after a new international agreement would have been set. This may explain why Japan struggled to commit to long-term mitigation strategies. Applying social network analysis to quantitatively calculate discourse coalitions was a feasible methodology for investigating "discursive power." But limited in discussing the "practice" (e.g. meetings, telephone, or email conversations) among the actors in discourse coalitions.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.57 no.2
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• pp.231-252
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• 2005

The changing Agenda of the family policy is to be influenced by many factors. The structural change of population and aging problem in modern society are generally included in main factors which produce political needs. Therefore, migrant family is recognized as a alternative which is to resolve the socioeconomic problems of aging industrial societies. In Germany, Gerhard Schroeder who leads the SPD governs since 1998. The Schroeder's new conception of welfare policy is known as the third way("neue Mitte") which the social economic structure intends to neo-liberalistic trend. The concern on the welfare policy for the migrant families has grown recently in neo-liberalistic age, but research on german welfare policy for migrant families is very limited in quantity and Depth. The main purpose of this study is to examine how the welfare policy for the migrant families of Schroeder-government has been developed in Germany. And this paper evaluates the results of transforming policy. Based on this evaluation, this paper attempts to be manifest the problem of korean family policy for the migrant population and to find out implications of german model.

• Journal of Sport and Applied Science
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.11-23
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• 2018

In spite of importance of safety issues in community sport, little concerns have been paid to the sport safety policy. Governing bodies and individuals involved with the facility management have a responsibility to manage the risks at acceptable levels. For sports injury prevention interventions, the safety policy of sport facilities should be made to provide a structured framework which can be implemented at community sport. Hence, the current study is to identify the safety issues and to generate the policies that assist to conduct the systematic safety management at sports facilities. For this, the current study analyzed two cases from Japan and Germany. The study reviewed multiple pieces of literature including journal publications, political reports, and media coverage. Through review, the study analyzed the organizational structure, legal systems, and political stance of the safety management of sport facilities in Japan and Germany. The results proposed the following issues. First, law needs to be enacted to establish the control tower where has a responsibility to develop the safety manual and system. Second, local organizations need to be established to educate individuals working in sport facilities and inspect the facilities. Further political issues were discussed for safety management in Korea sport facilities.

• Strategy21
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• s.34
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• pp.26-57
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• 2014

Revolution of Shale gas literally brings about great changes in many spheres. In the past most academic research had been focused on the influence and innovative change in term of economic perspective. But nowadays we should more concern about the security approach and perspective as its status of the future's core energy resources. Revolution of Shale gas has an great influence on the reshaping of global and regional alliance order. There are many international political implications as follows. Contribution of energy hegemony with leading U.S.; Acting as strategic leverage on the reshaping international order; Deepening competition among major states on the construction of energy security and so on. We'd better make a good solution and systematic policies which are preparing for the Shale gas's revolution period including on the understanding about the change on the global energy structure and making a national policy agenda of energy security issues and so on. The thesis like 'to get the energy resources is to get the hegemonic power in the world' will persist. The same holds good of Shale gas case. To meet the revolution of shale gas era, we have important tasks as like making an opportunity to develope not only regional but also international prosperity.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.20-43
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• 2017

While the Internet has been used to galvanise people for the collective good, many have voiced concerns over the noise and vitriol present online and polarisation. In Singapore where the government regulates traditional mainstream media such as print and broadcast, the online space has been described as a "Wild Wild West" rife with rumours, untruths and misinformation. Such developments do not only exert a potential negative effect on the deliberative nature of public discourse but also skew bias towards the online space, affecting the ability of online users to communicate with authority and power. This study seeks to examine the rationality of the cyberspace through using a new "rationality" framework to analyse political discourse online. Comprising objectivity, emotionality and partisanship, the rationality framework was applied to a content analysis of 197 blogs with political content in 2014. The analysis indicated that the online political space was not the Wild Wild West that it was touted to be with significant levels of objectivity and non-partisanship. There was a stark absence of emotional discourse, and relationships were observed between bloggers' anonymity and rationality. Cognisant of academia's and policymakers' interest on the quality and effects of online discourse, the proposed analytical framework and the study findings hold implications for both developed and developing countries.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.53-82
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• 2018

The $14^{th}$ general election which should be held by August 2018 has been a dominant factor for Malaysian politics, economy, social changes and foreign policy in 2017. UMNO, the dominant party within the ruling governmental coalition, has focused on securing Malay support, voters which made them to sought political cooperation with PAS, Malaysia's Islamist opposition party. A consequent event followed by the strategic ties between the two parties is the rise of political Islam in Malaysia though PAS' 'Islamization' or 'desecularization' has never been adopted by UMNO. The rise of political Islam and Malay support have become the most important factor for the next election, which increasingly enhanced the role of 3R of Malaysia politics; Race, Religion, and Royalty. The Pakatan Harapan (PH), the newly formed opposition coalition without PAS, has elected Mahathir Mohamad, the former Prime Minister, as its candidate for prime minister. Malaysian economy and foreign policy seem to be subordinated to politics. Stabilizing ringgit and restoring economic growth enabled the Najib's government to reveal 'election budget' for 2018. Najib has spoken out Islam-related international issues including the Rohingya crisis and Jerusalem issue. It is to some extent the extension of domestic politics. The rise of political Islam will be a highly influential not only in the coming election but in the political and social development in the aftermath of the election.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.59 no.4
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• pp.137-162
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• 2007

In democracy basic rights such as political equality and participation through elections have been respected, opportunities of corporation and opposition have been guaranteed, and ability of self-learning and self-correction have been developed. These positive factors give preconditions for the welfare development in the democratic state. Because in this state adults get the suffrage and the open competition for official positions induces political parties use social policies as means to win the election. That is to say, political parties have an incentive to use various social policies to win the election. Democracy, therefore, has affinity with social policy. The affinity between democracy and social policy can be found also in Korea which was democratized in 1987. But, in Korea, the positive relationship between democracy and social policy is very weak due to the problem of constitutional structures. Korean Parliament usually enacts abstract social act and delegates the right to fill concrete contents of the social acts to the executive. Delegation itself has no problem, but excessive delegation is a problem since the executive can overuse its discretion as sacrificing the social rights of the citizen. In addition social consensus could not be achieved in this constitutional structures, which are a obstacle to establishing a political process in the Parliament to promote the welfare development through party competition. Excessive delegation should be reduced, and the Parliament should fill concrete contents of the social acts as exercising its legislative power more. Then a mechanism of welfare development can be launched in Korea.