• Journal of dental hygiene science
• /
• v.23 no.2
• /
• pp.93-102
• /
• 2023

Background: To investigate political participation by dental hygiene students and analyze the differences therein based on the learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy. Methods: A total of 239 dental hygiene students who were expected to graduate responded to the survey. The data were collected online using a structured questionnaire consisting of 6 items on general characteristics, 10 on political participation, and 15 on the learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy. Statistical analysis was performed using SPSS 23.0. Political participation based on the learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy was analyzed using independent t-tests, ANOVA, and multiple regression analysis (p<0.05). Results: Among the dental hygiene students, 60.7% voted in all three recent presidential, general, and local elections, and 14.2% did not. For political parties supported, 65.7% responded that they had "no supporting party," and 34.3% indicated that they had a "supporting party." In terms of the level of political participation of dental hygiene students (0~50 points), the average score was 25.8 points, with the average passive political participation (0~25 points) score at 15.6 points and the average active political participation (0~25 points) score at 10.2 points. With an increase in dental hygiene policy learning efficacy, both passive and active political participation showed higher scores (p<0.05). Conclusion: Dental hygiene students showed low political participation. The presence of a supporting party, higher voting participation, and higher learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy were associated with higher passive and active political participation. Therefore, to increase this population's interest in political participation, various opportunities for related learning need to be promoted and provided in academia, leading to the enhancement of their political capabilities. In this manner, dental hygienists should expand their capabilities in various roles such as advocates, policy makers, and leaders.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
• /
• v.33 no.2
• /
• pp.145-175
• /
• 2011

We analyse an overlapping generation model in which economic agents, especially their income distribution, influence environmental policy and redistributive policy through political decision making process. In an economic equilibrium which doesn't consider political process, the introduction of environmental policy is shown to increase economic growth rate. In contrast to an economic equilibrium, environmental policy can be adopted when economic inequality reduces to a certain threshold in a political economic equilibrium. The adoption of environmental policy, on the other hand, incurs the demand of strengthened redistributive policy, which in turn decreases economic growth in a short run. We discuss broad policy implications based on our political economic analyses.

• Korea journal of population studies
• /
• v.25 no.1
• /
• pp.145-179
• /
• 2002

This study explores the change of family policy in Germany focused on political ideologies and instruments of CDU/CSU and SPD. In past 50 years after the 2. world war the family policy in Germany has been influenced by ideologies of 2 major political parties. With conservative political perspectives, CDU and CSU intend to strengthen the institution family and traditional division of domestic work. Therefore, they prefer indirect support methods by income tax benefit for family as political instrument. SPD with liberal political perspectives intends to support working married women and children. As political instrument SPD prefers allowance for child to indirect support system. This different political perspectives of 2 major parties have been reflected automatically on the federal administrative system(BMFSFJ) which takes responsibility of family policy in Germany. Through the analysis of attitudes to family policy of major parties in Germany this paper attempts to be manifest the problem of korean family policy and to find implications of german modell.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
• /
• v.61 no.4
• /
• pp.35-59
• /
• 2009

This paper presents a formal model of social policy development. The model shows that the development of social policy depends both on the social policy preferences of voters and on the political institution which mediates the preferences of voters. In the direct democracy, median voter's social policy preference is critical because he is Condorcet winner in a pairwise vote. But in the representative democracy, political parties design social policy to win the support of a majority of voters. Hence, the political institution like electoral rule may affect social policy outcome. The model presented in this paper contrasts 3 alternative constitutional features and investigates how they affect social policy outcome. In result, this papers emphasizes that policy preferences of voters and political institution may be key variables to explain social policy development and divergence among welfare regimes.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
• /
• v.62 no.3
• /
• pp.141-162
• /
• 2010

This paper tries to provide empirical support for a formal model of social policy development which has been presented in a former paper of this study. In the direct democracy, median voter's social policy preference is critical because he is Condorcet winner in a pair-wise pure majority voting. But, in the more general setting, we should think of various political institutions as a collective choice device. For this reason, I draw a formal model which formulates three contrasting types of political institutions which are distinguished by the developments of political democracy and the differences of electoral rules. Comparative patterns of key variables which measure political institutions, social policy developments, and social policy preference provide support for my arguments. My empirical results suggest that three political institutions are associated with very different policy outcomes. Compared to other institutions, committee system entails more targeted subsidy, less universal benefit. On the contrary, proportional elections produce more universal benefit, less targeted subsidy.

• Journal of Environmental Science International
• /
• v.13 no.10
• /
• pp.855-861
• /
• 2004

This study analysed the influencing factors involved in deciding the policy through the analysis of procedure in the policy on the natural resources in local governments. To evaluate the political consensus of decision making in policy determination as political rationality in natural resources policy, we analyzed the degree of the satisfaction from the residents. Among the analysis factors of the satisfaction of natural resources policy, the most significant independent factors were the goal and the method of the policy, the institutional conditions and interested groups, the appropriateness of the content of decision making, supervising and controlling, cooperating relations, the effect of policy, and the consistency. From the analysis of the effect and the goal of policy, we found $70.5\%$ of residents was against the policy and only $27.8\%$ consented. Considering the appropriateness of supervising and controlling in accordance with the process of the policy decision and its execution, the influence of local governments and institutions concerned enjoying comparatively more economic benefits was strong, however, the involvement of the residents and supervising and monitoring institutions were found negligible.

• Journal of Industrial Convergence
• /
• v.21 no.11
• /
• pp.125-134
• /
• 2023

This study attemped to examine the effects of health care nursing policy education on nursing students' political efficacy, political participation, and political interest. It attempted to guide the direction of policy education within nursing curriculum. The subjects consisted of 89 nursing students of G-university from March 8, 2023, to June 21, 2023, including 44 in the experimental group and 45 in the control group. The health care nursing policy class was developed using the ADDIE(Analysis, Design, Development, Implementation, Evaluation) model of instructional design. Data analysis used the SPSS 25.0 program through mean, standard deviation, and independent sample t-test. The experimental group that participated in this education showed statistically significant improvement in political efficacy(t=2.34, p<.05) and intrinsic political efficacy(t=2.75, p<.05), as well as passive political participation score(t=2.22, p<.05) compared to before the intervention. Based on the findings of this study, it is suggested that health care nursing policy education should be structured to enhance external political efficacy and promote active political participation in future nursing curriculum.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
• /
• v.13 no.3
• /
• pp.49-54
• /
• 2015

This study carried out a survey targeting sample of 609 audience panel voters of 15 regions including Seoul during the campaign period of Korean presidential election on December 19, 2012. It was analyzed that how the attitude to the candidate, the support to the policy and the voters'variables affected the vote-getting in the engagement attributes. The analysis shows that high participation of the engagement attributes does not always mean that the political candidate is satisfactory at the political campaign. The fact that high engagement attribute does not always affect the other attributes is interpreted that engagement attributes do not have correlation at the political campaign. And the candidate should approach the voters more carefully as there are differences among the engagement attributes in the attitude to the candidate and the support to the policy. In the engagement attributes, voters show little difference according to gender, region, income and marriage but show much difference according to age and education level. So it will be a principal index in the future political campaign.

• Journal of Technology Innovation
• /
• v.10 no.2
• /
• pp.131-148
• /
• 2002

This paper explores how international political factors influence the role of conventional external factors in the course of technological learning. The research goes on to investigate whether the role of the techno-economic factors has changed due to the involvement of international political factors in the technological learning mechanism. To this end, this paper examines how US political intervention affected Korean technological learning in the back-end of the nuclear fuel cycle. The export policy, prior consent policy and international political influence of the US are employed as international political factors. The empirical findings show that international political factors are very likely to restrain the impact of the techno-economic factors on technological learning process. Accordingly, this paper hypothesizes that the role of techno-economic factors in the technological learning mechanism is weaker when international political intervention is involved.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.24 no.1
• /
• pp.31-66
• /
• 2018

The purpose of this study is to analyze the institutional factors and the political environment in which the influence of the president is limited in South Korea's decision making process of the policy toward North Korea. Although the president has the highest decision-making power over policy toward North Korea as a head of state, the president's influence is not always absolute. Many reasons, such as bureaucratic government through the separation of power, the political environment such as divided government or the remaining term of the president,and the specificity of policy act as factors limiting the president's influence on policy toward North Korea. This study analyzed the dynamics of the decision making process of the 'Special Zone for Peace and Cooperation in the West Sea' which was planned by the agreement between the two Koreas in 2007, and examined the influence of the president, limited by the institutional environment and political conditions in the process.