• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.86-101
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• 2022

This research aimed at studying the factors that influence new media exposure of political news by youths in Isan society in Thailand. The target group comprised 1,200 individuals, obtained from multi-stage sampling from undergraduate students in Isan's autonomous universities, governmental universities, and private institutions. The data collection tool was a questionnaire, the content of which was validated by experts. The reliability of the tool was tested by the formula for Cronbach's alpha coefficient, which yielded a reliability of 0.83. Multiple regression analysis was applied to analyze the data. The results, regarding factors influencing the channels for political news exposure, showed that channels for political news exposure were mostly influenced by inner drives, followed by importance in political news exposure, influence from social networks, and specific characteristics of the Internet. This could explain the variation of channels for political news exposure at 46.5%. In terms of factors influencing political news selection, it was found that political news selection was influenced mostly from social networks, followed by inner drives, benefits from political news exposure, specific characteristics of the Internet, and the field of study. The variation of the political news selection could be explained at 44.6%. These results elaborate on the current situation in Thailand, especially in Isan region, where youths in higher education are playing an increasing role in demonstrating their political stance through various political activities.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.23-52
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• 2018

This study examines factors that influence adolescents' political trust in Asian societies with special emphases on authoritarian orientations and corruption perception. Previous studies on adolescents' political trust have focused almost exclusively on Western societies. As a result, the impact of other cultural values that are specific to Asian societies, such as authoritarian orientations, on adolescents' political trust has received little attention in the existing literature. Moreover, situated within a socialization framework which argues that political trust is an extension of interpersonal trust, much prior work has ignored the role of adolescent evaluations of institutional performance in generating political trust. The data I use offer empirical evidence that both authoritarian orientations and institutional performance-especially its ability to curb corruption-are independent sources of political trust among Asian adolescents and that the trust-eroding effect of corruption is less salient among Asian adolescents adopting more authoritarian orientations. Additionally, the evidence also suggests that corruption perception is a more important factor than authoritarian orientations in shaping adolescents' political trust in more economically developed countries while the reverse pattern is found in less developed countries.

• Journal of the Korea Convergence Society
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• v.11 no.12
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• pp.391-400
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• 2020

This study is a convergence study to understand the impact of political efficacy, political interest, and global citizenship on political participation. Participants were 3rd and 4th grade 155 nursing students. The data were analyzed t-test, ANOVA, Pearson's Correlation and multiple regression. The result is that factors influencing the political participation were political efficacy(r=.27, p=.001), political interest(r=.42, p<.001), and attitude in global citizenship(r=-.24, p=.003). The higher political interest(β=.37) and political efficacy(β=.21), the lower the Global citizenship_Attitude, the higher political participation. A total of 25.7% of political participation was explained. In order to increase political participation, the results suggest it is necessary to political education for enhancing political interest and efficacy.

• Journal of Ethics
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• no.82
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• pp.53-72
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• 2011

The North Korea have supported their own political ideological education system to maintain their basic framework of society. The north korean political education contents become from now on it be done harder. That answer is up to the government of the North Korea, and the general public in North Korea would be going after it. However, when we review this closely, both positions of the North Korean government and the general public would be different each other as before. I would figure out whether the political ideological education system in North Korea would be going on with making realistic changes or just maintaining their old system. The political and ideological education might make settled flexibility. On the other hand, we can expect that it could be reinforced by the North Korean government. For this content, this research is going to try to understand the characteristics of North Korea's ideological education policy considering both position of the North Korean government and the general public thoroughly.

• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.9 no.3
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• pp.45-68
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• 2005

The political activity of women is relatively low. This is mainly because of the social-cultural attitude that confines women's role to housewives, rather than the structural problems that are related to political activities itself. This study has attempted to enhance the political activities of women by examining and providing the practical informations related to the hardships that are experienced by women who are pursuing a career both as a politician as well as a housewife. The sample of this study consisted of women who are assuming chief executives positions in organizations that are related to political activity, including local representatives of the national assembly. A case study was conducted by interviewing 8 female politicians. The contents of the study mostly consists of the personal situations (related to house lives) of these women. Semi-structured questionnaires were used, and the interview was conducted several times. First, the political careers of these women tended to start passively, rather than voluntarily. Second, the negative attitudes that were initially displayed by the family members and close relatives had changed positively through out the course of time. Close relatives, parents/parents-in-law were likely to become helpers of child care and household labor. The husband was likely to be a supporter of the wife's political career, and the children started to understand the roles of their mother as they grew up. Third, the female politicians perceived that the main impediments of women pursuing political careers were the sexually discriminating culture, rather than their own ability. Fourth, the fact that these women had to spend a lot of time outside the house has worsened the role conflict and difficulties of these women who are required to assume dual-roles. Furthermore, the difficulties that are faced publicly and privately has increased the psychological burdens of these women, since politicians, in general, are people who need to maintain their public image.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.51-77
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• 2016

This paper argues and shows how ethnic dimension is still very important in understanding political contestations in Malaysia. To do this, the paper reviews the political as well as population demography to back its assertion. And it is not necessarily improper to continue to use this ethnic lens, although the continued use of this approach has come under heavy criticism both within and from outside Malaysia. Raging debates in Malaysia and by Malaysians are still very much shaped by ethnicity and increasing regional differences. This is further compounded by other factors such as religion, language, and education. In fact, these tools have been more intensely used of late compared to any period before in history as they easily politicize and attract followers.

• Asia-pacific Journal of Multimedia Services Convergent with Art, Humanities, and Sociology
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• v.8 no.6
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• pp.475-483
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• 2018

The purpose of this study to understand the vocational education of China and to analyze the developing process of vocational education in China. Recently, the major countries of the world of modern society has its government leaders is how much to foster creativity and the rise and fall depending on whether they really value is determined claims. There are 1327 Tertiary Vocational Colleges, with 10 million students in 2015. Together with 14million secondary vocational education students, China owns the largest scale of vocational education in the world. China has not fully established a modern market. Under the economy, the enterprise was the administrative adjunct of the state, and the enterprise was the social and political production function, and the political ethics prevailed that ethics. Literature review and historial approach were utilized as the methodology for this study. The system of vocational education in China is composed of elementary, secondary, and higher stage. The vocational education in China has been developed flexibly along with the social change while keeping the main philosophy of Chinese socialism. The main factors to bring about the change of vocational education in China is, political and philosophical, economical change.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.211-245
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• 2002

After division of Germany, East Germany was established as a socialistic nation. The new socialistic nation needed new systems in many different areas such as political, social, educational and cultural. In the new political system based on socialistic ideology the administrative organization and political parties used the academic libraries as a political instrument. Thus the members of the political parties exercised socialistic ideology on the management of the libraries. For example, in the anointment of the library directors, in the education and training of librarians, In the collecting development policy, in managing the seditious materials etc the influence of socialism can be seen.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.187-214
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• 2010

This article is aimed at understanding the goals of the citizenship educations and changes of political cultures in the Sukarno, Suharto, and the post-Suharto periods in Indonesia. Sukarno's and Suharto's regimes adopted Pancasila, Indonesia's state ideology, as the philosophical basis of education. The citizenship education based on Pancasila was nothing but a political education, which aimed at suppressing the masses and justifying authoritarian rules of the regimes. After the collapse of the Suharto regime, a democratic citizenship education has launched, which emphasized the expanded civic rights and obligations as world citizens and the masses' active participation in politics. However, in this new curriculum, Pancasila is still emphasized as the supporting philosophical pillar of education. The reason is because, through the values of communitarianism represented in the discourse of Pancasila, the state needs to control the possible irresponsible and undemocratic behaviors of local powers and global economy when liberalism is not effectively controlled.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.73-89
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• 2014

Everyone has a voice and can broadcast it to the world. We hear about the old maxim of media do not tell people what to think but what to think about. Under this theory or approach, a key function of political communication is to make the public think about an issue in a way that is favorable to the sender of the message. In a democracy, political communication is seen as crucial for the building of a society where the state and its people feel they are connected. Thus, this is a study on how social media (e.g., Facebook, blogs, and YouTube) were used in the domain of Malaysian politics during the 13th general election campaigning period in order to set the agenda to form public opinion. The study found that Facebook was the most popular social media tool that political parties actively engaged with during the 13th general election campaign period. Apart from that, issues pertaining to the election were significantly highlighted by the political parties in social media, especially Facebook. However, other issues that were also important to the people such as the economy, crime, and education were not sufficiently highlighted during the election campaign period. This indicates that the political parties influence the public on what to think about using social media.