• 제목/요약/키워드: Political characteristics

검색결과 670건 처리시간 0.029초

IMF 총재 크리스틴 라가르드의 패션 스타일에 나타난 파워 드레싱 특성 (Characteristics of Power Dressing Represented in the Fashion Style of IMF Managing Director Christine Lagarde)

  • 김미경
    • 패션비즈니스
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    • 제20권2호
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    • pp.149-164
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    • 2016
  • The purpose of this study was to analyze the cases of IMF Managing Director Christine Lagarde to discuss power dressing characteristics represented in the fashion style of women political leaders. Study methods included literature reviews on the theoretical background of Christine Lagarde's Political Leadership formation and the power dressing of women political leaders. The results of the study were as follows. First, governor Christine Lagarde's fashion styles worn at formal events were summarized into suits, bags, scarves and jewelry. Clothing type was found to be 98% suits, 5% dress with the colors black, gray and white being worn the most, 84% were achromatic, blue tones and vivid tones were about 16%. Faborite accessories included scarves, jewelry and luxury bags. Scarves were higher frequency utilization at 51% of the total wear. Second, characteristics of power-dressing appearring as fashion styles were summarized as wealthy, honorable, having political power, being, charismatic or, feminine. Luxury suite luxury brands holds a sense of power with many believing they wealth, honor and charisma. Luxury bags, V-zone ornaments of scarves and, jewelry are items of power that people often wear in order to charisma and a symbol of power. They are also, used as an important element in portraying confidence and leadership as IMF governors.

마이크로 블로깅에서의 정치인 이미지 구축 방식 -정치인의 트위터 메시지 분석을 중심으로- (Exploring Political Figures' Image Through Microbloging: Analyzing Twitter Messages of Political Figures)

  • 홍숙영;조승호
    • 디지털융복합연구
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    • 제9권3호
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    • pp.95-104
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    • 2011
  • 본 연구는 정치인들의 트위터 메시지를 통한 이마지 구축 방식을 알아보는 것으로 이를 위해 유시민, 이정희, 송영길, 김문수의 트위터를 분석하였다. 그 결과 이정희를 제외한 나머지 트위터 모두 쌍방향 소통보다는 일방향의 게시 글이 많았으며 과거에 비해 유권자와 소통하는 속도와 양이 증가한 것은 사실이나 아직까지 트위터의 쌍방향성과 즉각성을 활용한 커뮤니케이션은 그다지 활발하지 않았다. 메시지의 유형에 있어, 유시민은 정보제공과 솔직함이 비슷하게 나타났으며, 이정희는 따뜻함과 솔직함 등 개인적 성향의 메시지가 많았다. 송영길의 경우 메시지 유형은 정보제공, 따뜻함 순이었으며, 김문수는 정보제공, 사회참여, 경청 능력과 같은 공적인 메시지가 주를 이루었고, 행사나 일정, 정책 진행과정에 대한 중계 형식이 대부분인 것으로 나타났다. 메시지를 사회적 성향과 개인적 성향으로 구분하여 분석한 결과, 이정희를 제외하고 나머지 정치인들에게서는 사회적 성향이 두드러졌다.

불란서 혁명기 의생활에 나타난 특성고찰 (A Study on the Characteristics of Clothing Behavior during the French Revolution)

  • 김인숙
    • 대한가정학회지
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    • 제19권4호
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    • pp.1-8
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    • 1981
  • French Revolution, while re-establishing the political and social structure, had also changed the cultural conditions of French life and manners. clothing, as with other features of daily life, had some characteristic changes, which this article tried to specify and related with the social conditions. Those specific changes pointed out as typical and discussed herewith are: 1. Clothing manipulated as a political identity kit. 2. Simplification of colors and forms of men's costume. 3. Tendency toward uniformity. 4. Clothing as the symbol of political utopia. 5. The attraction of military uniform. 6. Moral decadence.

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中国民营企业首席执行官的政治关系对企业绩效的影响: 政府补贴的中介效应 (The Effect of CEO's Political Connection on Firm Performance: The Mediating Effect of Government Subsidies)

  • 朴溁秀
    • 분석과 대안
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    • 제5권2호
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    • pp.39-76
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    • 2021
  • 本研究通过高层梯队理论和人力资本理论探究中国民营企业首席执行官的政治关系为企业所带来的影响。首席执行官的个人特征对企业的战略决策产生直接或间接的影响,同时可作为企业特有的优势,为企业的可持续发展发挥着人力资本的作用。对此,本研究通过实证探究中国民营企业的首席执行官所拥有的政治关系是否对企业的人力资本企业绩效产生积极影响。另外,本研究将政治关系的直接对象-- 中国地方政府分为不同阶层,考察政治关系的人力资本价值和影响力的差异,而且预测政府补贴可以在这一关系中起到中介的作用。为了验证这一论点,以2008年至2016年间在中国上海和深圳证券交易所上市的1,451个企业的共9,849个观测值为对象进行分析,结果确认首席执行官的政治关系对企业绩效产生正向(+)的影响。另外,从各阶层的地方政府来看,只有与作为最高层地方政府的省级地方政府有政治关系时,才能对企业绩效产生积极影响;同时,只有在首席执行官拥有的人力资本的价值和影响力与省级地方政府有关联时才能发挥上述的积极影响。另外,政府补贴的中介效应在与地级地方政府有政治关系时,会具备完全中介的属性,进而对企业经营成果产生积极影响。可以说,地方政府在政府补贴支付中起到核心作用,因此经营者的政治关系常被运用为企业的非市场战略。

종합편성채널 시사대담 프로그램의 출연 패널 특성 및 패널 발언과 정당 입장간의 상관성에 관한 연구 (A Study on the Characteristics of Panels and the Correlations between Partisanships of Political Parties and Talks of Panels in Public Affair Talk Programs of General Programming Channels)

  • 손화정;이영주
    • 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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    • 제19권5호
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    • pp.658-668
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    • 2019
  • 종합편성채널은 수년간 시사 대담 프로그램을 통해 정치적 영향력을 키워 갔지만 정치적으로 편향된 미디어라는 비판을 받고 있다. 본 연구에서는 2017년 7월부터 12월까지 6개월 동안 시사 대담 프로그램에 출연한 패널들의 특성과 함께 패널 발언과 정당 입장간의 상관관계를 분석하였다. 연구결과, 방송 프로그램에서 출연패널의 직군은 정치와 관련이 없는 중립적 직군으로 소개되었으나 이들의 정파성을 고려하여 재분류하면 정당인의 비중이 높아졌다. 또한 패널 발언의 정파성을 살펴본 결과, 대부분의 패널은 여당 혹은 야당의 입장을 견지하고 있었으며, 정당과 연관성이 많을수록 패널의 정파적 발언이 강해지는 것으로 나타났다. 향후 출연패널의 정파성이 명확하게 소개되어야 하며, 일관된 기준으로 장르를 구분하여 심의의 일관성을 확보할 필요가 있다. 또한 프로그램 제작진의 자율규제가 더욱 적극적으로 이루어져야 할 것이다.

정치 참여자의 세대적·사회경제학적·인구배경학적 대표성에 대한 인터넷의 영향 (Internet Effects on Generational, Socioeconomic, and Demographic Representativeness in Political Activity)

  • 남태우
    • 정보화정책
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    • 제22권3호
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    • pp.61-93
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    • 2015
  • 이 연구는 인터넷을 통한 미국 시민들의 정치 참여가 참여자의 인구배경학적 사회경제학적 특성을 어떻게 하는 변화시켰는지를 분석한다. Pew Research Center의 서베이 데이터에 대한 분석은 일상적인 정치적 대화, 정부 공무원과의 접촉, 민원 제기, 정치적 기부 등의 네 가지 차원에 초점을 맞추었다. 분석을 통해, 본 논문은 인터넷이 정치적 참여의 기존 패턴에 어떻게 영향을 미치는지, 그리고 인터넷이 참여적 불평등의 인구배경학적 분포에 어떻게 영향을 미치는지를 파악하였다. 주요한 연구결과는 다음과 같다. 참여의 부가적 도구를 제공하는 인터넷은 불평등과 비례적이지 않은 대표성의 기존 패턴들을 크게 변화시키지 못하였다. 또한 인터넷이 여전히 정치적 활동의 주요한 매개체가 아니기 때문에 인터넷의 새로운 참여를 유발하는 잠재성은 아직은 제한적으로 발현되는 경향이 있다. 인구배경학적 및 사회경제학적 특성에 따라 나누어지는 사회집단 간의 참여적 격차는 인터넷의 활용에도 불구하고 극적인 변화가 나타나지는 않고 있다. 결론적으로 본 연구는 대중 민주주의의 차원에서 볼 때 인터넷의 정치 참여에 대한 효과는 동원(mobilization) 효과보다 강화(reinforcement) 효과가 더 크다는 것을 보여준다.

러시아의 정치 엘리트 충원 방식과 연방제 구조의 성격 (A Study on the Supplement of Political Elite and the Characteristics of Federalism Structure in Russia : focusing on the Comparison with B.Yeltsin and V.Putin)

  • 이영형
    • 국제지역연구
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    • 제14권3호
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    • pp.502-523
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    • 2010
  • 연방제는 중앙과 지방 사이에 권한이 적절히 분배되는 주권공유 원칙이 적용되는 정치 체제를 말한다. 연방제는 국가의 통일성을 유지하면서도, 지역간 차이를 고려하여 균등한 발전을 기하고, 인종 또는 지역간 차별성과 문화적 다양성을 조화시키려는 목적을 갖고 있다. 연방제 목적은 연방 구성 주체가 자신의 정치 엘리트를 충원하는 방식이 자율성을 지니고, 선택된 정치 엘리트들이 중앙으로부터 독립된 정책을 수행할 수 있을 때 보다 자유롭게 실현된다. 옐친에서 푸틴에 이르는 기간 동안 중앙 및 지방의 정치 엘리트 충원 방식이 중앙 정부의 정치적 목적에 따라 수정되면서, 러시아 연방제의 성격이 변화되었다. 임명되어진 정치 엘리트들이 지역의 이익에 기초된 정책 수행을 강행할 수 없게 되었다. 이러한 현상은 연방제의 고유한 의미를 퇴색시킬 수밖에 없다. 중앙 정부에 의해 임명된 지방의 정치 엘리트들이 지방의 이익이 아니라, 중앙 정부의 이익에 기초된 지방자치로 무게 중심을 이동시키기 때문이다. 본 논고는 러시아의 대통령 및 양원의 국회의원, 주지사 및 지방의회 의원들이 어떻게 충원되고 있으며, 이러한 충원 방식이 러시아 연방제의 성격을 어떻게 변화시키고 있는가의 문제를 다룬다.

Revisiting the Asian Financial Crisis: Is Building Political Ties with Emerging Political Elites Beneficial during a Crisis?

  • Kyung Hwan Yun;Chenguang Hu
    • Journal of Korea Trade
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    • 제26권4호
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    • pp.63-82
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    • 2022
  • Purpose - Drawing on relational institutional theory, we explored how demographic similarity between board members of a firm and newly emerged political elites led to firms' increased financial resource acquisition such as leverage ratio and decreased export intensity amidst the Asian financial crisis. We also studied how a firm's leverage ratio and export intensity can further affect firm profitability and financial credit rating. Design/methodology - We revisited and explored a unique, unprecedented crisis that affected most Korean firms: the Asian financial crisis that coincided with a governmental shift from a conservative to a liberal party. We collected demographic information from 432 listed Korean firms' board members and 43 political elites of the Blue House from 1998-2000 to create a demographic similarity measurement. We collected firms' financial information, built panel data, and used ordinary least squares regression to test our theory. Findings - Our results showed that demographic similarity between a firm's directors and newly emerged politicians had a positive association with a firm's leverage ratio but a negative association with a firm's export intensity. A firm's leverage ratio had a negative relationship with firm performance measured by firm profitability and financial credit rating. A firm's export intensity showed a positive effect on firm performance. Originality/value - We highlighted that during an economic crisis that coincided with a governmental shift and change of leading political actors, firms exerted efforts to survey the environment and build new external stakeholder relationships to cope with the changing landscape. We proposed that in an emerging market like Korea where low levels of trust and favoritism are prevalent across society, one of the relational institutional strategies that firms can employ is the selection of directors with similar demographic characteristics to political elites based on factors including birthplace and school affiliations. We examined the efforts of firms to build political networks with newly empowered political elites during a financial crisis, and the consequences of establishing such networks. We highlighted that during a financial crisis, the demographic similarity between a firm's board members and newly emerged politicians can provide firms with access to financial resources but can also result in poor management and reduced effort to enhance its international competitiveness.

중국회도문(中國會道門) 소고(小考)

  • 한용수
    • 대순사상논총
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    • 제16권
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    • pp.167-182
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    • 2003
  • The societies of HuiDaoMen, appeared upon the scene of history in the later feudal age of china, were religious secret organizations whose adherents resisted their government or powerful families. Generally, HuiDaoMens are grouped into political ones and religious ones. This distinction, however, comes from on which characteristics they laid emphasis, because both of regional and political goal appear in most of HuiDaoMens. Although those contemporary governments ordinarily called them Dow-Bees, which were groups of burglars without any political goal or regional ideal, HuiDaoMens are quite distinguishable from them. So, it is possible to say that the requisites of HuiDaoMen were to be a secret society, to be popular, to be religious, to be political. That is, HuiDaoMens should not be understood as mere superstitious secret group, but religious societies giving comforts to people as popular societies in feudal age. It is very important to have correct understandings on these HuiDaoMens, because they firstly appeard in the middle years of Ming(明) dynasty, and considerably affected the progress of Chinese history. Now I expect upcoming researches on them to bring into focus various aspects related to contemporary and social circumstances.

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Railway Governance and Power Structure in China

  • Lee, Jinjing
    • International Journal of Railway
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    • 제1권4호
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    • pp.129-133
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    • 2008
  • Over the last $15{\sim}20$years, many countries have adopted policies of railway privatization to keep up with increasing competition from road and air transport. Although each country and case has its own history, market characteristics, political context as well as administrative process, railway privatizations (including railway restructure, concession etc.) in the west usually are accompanied with the establishment of new regulatory regimes. Therefore, railway governance has been innovating towards an interaction of government, regulator, industry bodies, user groups, trade unions and other interested groups within the regulatory framework. However, it is not the case in China. Although China had seen a partial privatization in some branch lines and is experiencing a much larger-scale privatization by establishing joint-ventures to build and operate high-speed passenger lines and implementing an asset-based securitization program, administrative control still occupies absolutely dominant position in the railway governance in China. Ministry of Railway (MOR) acts as the administrator, operator as well as regulator. There is no national policy that clearly positions railway in the transportation network and clarifies the role of government in railway development. There is also little participation from interested groups in the railway policy making, pricing, service standard or safety matter. Railway in China is solely governed by the mere executive agency. Efficiency-focused economic perspective explanation is far from satisfaction. A wider research perspective from political and social regime is of great potential to better explain and solve the problem. In the west, separation and constrains of power had long been established as a fundamental rule. In addition to internal separation of political power(legislation, execution and jurisdiction), rise of corporation in the 19th century and association revolution in the 20th century greatly fostered the growth of economic and social power. Therefore, political, social and economic organizations cooperate and compete with each other, which leads to a balanced and resonable power structure. While in China, political power, mainly party-controlled administrative power has been keeping a dominated position since the time of plan economy. Although the economic reform promoted the growth of economic power of enterprises, it is still not strong enough to compete with political power. Furthermore, under rigid political control, social organizations usually are affiliated to government, independent social power is still too weak to function. So, duo to the limited and slow reform in political and social regime in China, there is an unbalanced power structure within which political power is dominant, economic power expanding while social power still absent. Totally different power structure in China determines the fundamental institutional environment of her railway privatization and governance. It is expected that the exploration of who act behind railway governance and their acting strength (a power theory) will present us a better picture of railway governance as a relevant transportation mode. The paper first examines the railway governance in China and preliminarily establishes a linkage between railway governance and its fundamental institutional environment, i.e. power structure in a specific country. Secondly, the reason why there is no national policy in China is explored in the view of political power. In China, legislative power is more symbolic while party-controlled administrative power dominates political process and plays a fundamental role in Chinese railway governance. And then, in the part three railway finance reform is analyzed in the view of economic power, esp. the relationship of political power and economic power.

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