• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제7권4호
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• pp.207-225
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• 2019

Despite a vast amount of research on the relationship between personality traits and political attitudes, little is known about the effects of personality on individuals' support for the political system of their own country. Using three nationally representative datasets from South Korea, the present study shows that the personality dimensions - particularly, Agreeableness - are positively associated with political support, which encompasses confidence in the presidency, confidence in the government, and national pride. These findings suggest that two facets of Agreeableness - trust and compliance - are activated in expressing individuals' support for their political system. Thus, mobilizing citizens who score high on Agreeableness is essential to maintain political stability and legitimacy, but such a task appears to be difficult, given that ideological polarization discourages them from being politically active due to their propensity to conflict avoidance.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• 제24권5호
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• pp.217-223
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• 2024

The current study aimed to evaluate the effectiveness of using Support Vector Machine (SVM) for political affiliation classification. The system was designed to analyze the political tweets collected from Twitter and classify them as positive, negative, and neutral. The performance analysis of the SVM classifier was based on the calculation of metrics such as accuracy, precision, recall, and f1-score. The results showed that the classifier had high accuracy and f1-score, indicating its effectiveness in classifying the political tweets. The implementation of SVM in this study is based on the principle of Structural Risk Minimization (SRM), which endeavors to identify the maximum margin hyperplane between two classes of data. The results indicate that SVM can be a reliable classification approach for the analysis of political affiliations, possessing the capability to accurately categorize both linear and non-linear information using linear, polynomial or radial basis kernels. This paper provides a comprehensive overview of using SVM for political affiliation analysis and highlights the importance of using accurate classification methods in the field of political analysis.

• 한국인구학
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• 제25권1호
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• pp.145-179
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• 2002

독일의 가족정책은 집권당이 교체될 때마다 그 당의 정치이념에 따라 정책의 방향과 정책전개수단에 있어서 뚜렷한 변화를 보이면서 발전해 왔고, 각 정당이 추구하는 정책이념은 '가족부(Bundesministerium fuel Familie, Senioren Frauen, Jugend)'라는 가족전담행정부서를 통해 실현되어 왔다. 그러나 정권의 변화로 인한 연방정부의 가족정책의 변화는 당연히 가족부의 집행업무와 정책전개수단에도 지대한 영향을 미쳤고. 가족부의 명칭은 이를 반영하여 여러 번에 걸쳐 교체되어 왔다 이 과정에서 가족부의 정책업무와 구체적인 사업들은 '가족' 또는 '여성과 아동'이라는 정책의 대상집단에 대한 집권당의 이념을 대변하는 도구로 활용되어 왔고. 이는 정책의 목표가 핵가족의 복지향상이 되어야 할 것인지 아니면 개별 가족구성원의 복지에 우위를 두어야 할 것인지에 대한 선택의 문제로 귀결되어 왔다. 이러한 독일 가족정책의 이념적 변천은 아직 가족정책에 대한 방향이 올바르게 설정되어 인지 못하고 정책의 스팩트럼은 잔여적 복지에 머물러 있으며, 정당별 가족정책과 가족전담 중앙행정부서가 존재하지 않는 우리나라의 가족 복지정책에 시사하는 바가 크다

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제8권3호
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• pp.180-196
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• 2020

This paper considers Japanese political interviews to integrate conversation and facial expression analysis. The behaviors of political leaders will be disclosed by analyzing questions and responses by using the turn-taking system in conversation analysis. Additionally, audiences who cannot understand verbal expressions alone will understand the psychology of political leaders by analyzing their facial expressions. Integral analyses promote understanding of the types of facial and verbal expressions of politicians and their effect on public opinion. Politicians have unique techniques to convince people. If people do not know these techniques and ways of various expressions, they will become confused, and politics may fall into populism as a result. To avoid this, a complete understanding of verbal and non-verbal behaviors is needed. This paper presents two analyses. The first analysis is a qualitative analysis that deals with Prime Minister Shinzō Abe and shows that differences between words and happy facial expressions occur. That result indicates that Abe expresses disgusted facial expressions when faced with the same question from an interviewer. The second is a quantitative multiple regression analysis where the dependent variables are six facial expressions: happy, sad, angry, surprised, scared, and disgusted. The independent variable is when politicians have a threat to face. Political interviews that directly inform audiences are used as a tool by politicians. Those interviews play an important role in modelling public opinion. The audience watches political interviews, and these mold support to the party. Watching political interviews contributes to the decision to support the political party when they vote in a coming election.

• 디지털융복합연구
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• 제13권3호
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• pp.49-54
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• 2015

본 연구는 2012년 12월 19일 한국대통령의 정치캠페인 기간 중 할당표본 추출된 시청율 패널 유권자 서울외 15개 지역 609명을 대상으로 설문하였다. 인게이지먼트 속성에서 후보자태도와 정책지지도, 유권자의 변수간 득표에 미치는 영향정도 등을 분석하였다. 분석에서 정치캠페인에서 정치관여도 고저에 따라 인게이지먼트의 속성에서 참여가 높다하여 반드시 정치후보자에 대하여 만족한 것은 아니라는 분석이다. 또한 인게이지먼트 속성 중 어느 인게이지먼트 속성이 높다하여 반드시 다른 속성에 영향을 주지 않는 것으로 분석되어 인게이지먼트 속성이 정치캠페인에서 상관관계가 없다는 해석이다. 그리고 후보자 태도와 정책지지도에서 인게이지먼트 속성 간 차이를 나타내고 있어, 후보자는 유권자에게 보다 신중하게 접근해야 할 것이다. 인게이지먼트의 속성에서 유권자들의 사호적변수인 성별, 지역별, 소득, 결혼여부에 따라 별로 차이가 없지만 연령과 학련 간에는 차이가 있는 것으로 나타나서 향후 정치캠페인에서 주요한 지표가 될 것이다.

• 무역학회지
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• 제46권5호
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• pp.131-152
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• 2021

Political connections may facilitate firms' exporting activities, particularly in developing countries, because politically connected firms may be more likely to receive informational and financial support, allowing them to overcome barriers to export. We test this hypothesis using a unique, firm-level dataset from traditional apparel and textile clusters in the Red River Delta Region in Northern Vietnam. We find that political connection of certain types increases the chance of receiving valuable information or financial support from the government. Moreover, those firms that have access to government information have higher chances of being direct exporters. However, firms that receive financial support from the government are not necessarily engaged in exporting activities. Although politically connected firms are more willing to export, they do not necessarily engage in more exporting activities than firms without such connections. These results suggest that the misallocation of information and financial resources to politically connected but insufficiently productive firms leads to a failure to promote exporting activities. In contrast, political connection increases the chance of importing materials and parts, possibly because high productivity is necessary for exporting, but not for importing.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제4권2호
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• pp.103-132
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to observe whether intergenerational differences exist in support among major Korean political parties and, if so, how they exist, based on the results of the survey conducted nationwide. To achieve the purpose of the study, a questionnaire was prepared based on conjoint analysis, and the collected data was analyzed by applying a random parameter logit model. The main results of model analysis are summarized as follows. First, among the policy variables, statistically significant results were observed in the generation of 20s and 30s for the education variable. It was found that both 20s and 30s aimed for equal education at a higher level than other generations. Especially, the highest intensity aim for equal education culture was observed in the 20s. Second, the coefficients of major political parties were observed with a high level of statistical significance. This appears to be a result suggesting that voters decide on their voting behavior through thorough policy comparisons in addition to comprehensive consideration on various current issues. Third, a clear support for conservative parties was observed in the generation of 20s. A clear and intense distribution of preference for political parties classified as conservatives was observed in the 20s generation, which can be said to be mainly college students. This seems to be a profound founding related to the issue of "conservatization of the 20s," which has recently become a hot topic in Korean society. Fourth, a high level of support for progressive parties was observed in the 30s and 40s. The Justice Party can be classified as a minority party in the National Assembly House as of January 2019. Nevertheless, it was maintained at a relatively high level in national recognition, and it is presumed that the background was high level of support from the 30s and 40s. Fifth, a large level of standard deviation was observed in the preference for conservative parties in the 50s. This means that some respondents who are in their 50s or older strongly support the Liberty Korea Party, and some respondents in the same generation strongly disapprove it. Due to this countervailing power, it seems that the average support level for the Liberal Korean Party is low in the generations of 50s and older.?

• 농촌계획
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• 제19권4호
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• pp.149-160
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• 2013

In this study, it propose what the landscape elements is to be improved urgently and how to improve landscape by reflecting the rural village characteristics away from the spatial integrated landscape planning. The study area for landscape research is selected as the 9 rural villages in Chungcheongbuk-do, and research is done by using village unit landscape diagnostic index(VULDI). the result is shown that average VULDI value of the rural village zones is bigger than one of the town village zones with difference of 15%. Two zones of Chilseong-myeon and Sangchon-myeon among the town village zones are appeared to be similar with the rural village zones in landscape level by VULDI value. Generally, the rural villages to maintain the good landscape have the low population and high engagement rate in agriculture. Looking political support criteria at the landscape level, the seven zones except Deoksan-myeon and Maengdong-myeon have high VULDI value more than 60%, which means that it seems unnecessary to support political landscape improvement. However, when it is divided into two parts of the village inside landscape and the surrounding landscape, 8 rural village zones except one zone of Sangchon-myeon have low VULDI value less than 60%, which means it is necessary to support political landscape improvement. It is important to give the intensive support of ever urgent landscape improvements and high priority landscape elements on the results of the diagnostic before planning of the rural landscape formation.

• Human Ecology Research
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• 제53권2호
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• pp.131-141
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• 2015

The purpose of this study is to examine a potential association between community factors and the establishment of Local Healthy Family Support Centers (LHFSCs). Community factors were population size, community size, local finance independency, number of workplaces per 1,000 people, number of colleges, political party affiliation of mayor, and political party affiliation of congressman. Data of this study were collected from the census indicators of 222 communities from 2004 to 2014 and analyzed by frequency, mean, geographical information system mapping, and the binary logit analysis. The results of this study are as follows. First, LHFSCs are less likely to be established in communities in the provinces of Gangwon, Chungbuk, and Gyeongbuk. Second, the population size was positively related to the establishment of LHFSCs. Third, finance independency was positively associated with the establishment of LHFSCs. Forth, a mayor was more likely to establish LHFSCs if they were affiliated with the ruling conservative political party. However, the establishment of LHFSCs was not affected by other factors such as community scale, number of workplaces per 1,000 people, the number of colleges, and party affiliation of congressman. Thus, the conclusion suggests family policy implications to improve the geographical imbalance of LHFSCs based on the analysis results.

• 한국사회복지학
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• 제62권3호
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• pp.141-162
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• 2010

이 연구는 사회정책의 결과는 사회성원들의 사회정책 선호를 집합적인 의사결정으로 전환하는 기제, 즉 정치제도의 차이와 관련된다는 이론모형을 경험적으로 검증하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 중위특성을 가진 사회성원이 사회정책을 선호한다고 하더라도 그러한 선호를 집합적으로 모으는 제도적 장치가 어떻게 작동하느냐에 따라 사회정책의 결과는 달라질 수 있다는 것이다. 분석결과 사회정책에 대한 직능제약 선호만 놓고 보면 일본과 한국은 조정시장경제로 분류되는 다른 국가들 못지않다. 하지만 일본과 한국은 조정시장경제나 자유시장경제로 분류되는 다른 국가들에 비해 민주주의 정치제도의 발전정도가 상대적으로 낙후되어 있으며, 노동인구를 표적집단으로 하는 사회정책 프로그램의 발전 정도 또한 낮다. 이러한 비교양상은 사회성원들의 선호를 집합적 의사 결정의 바탕으로 삼는 민주주의 정치제도의 낙후성이 사회성원들의 사회정책 선호와 실제 사회정책 발전 사이의 괴리라는 현상과 관련될 가능성을 보여준다. 한편 민주주의 정치제도가 어느 정도 발전해 있는 국가들 사이에서는 사회정책에 대한 사회성원들의 직능제약 선호의 차이 뿐 아니라, 선거규칙이라는 정치제도의 측면에서도 차이가 발견된다. 결국 16개 국가들의 종합적 양상은 사회성원들의 사회정책 선호와 그것을 집합적으로 모으는 정치제도, 그리고 실제 사회정책 발전 사이에는 밀접한 관계가 존재함을 보여준다.