• Title/Summary/Keyword: Political Power

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The Crisis of Democracy and Sensational Partisan Journalism Focusing on Political Talk Shows by Channel A and TV Chosun (민주주의의 위기와 언론의 선정적 정파성의 관계에 대한 시론 채널A와 TV조선의 정치시사토크쇼를 중심으로)

  • Lee, Junghoon;Lee, Sang-Khee
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.77
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    • pp.9-35
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    • 2016
  • This research focuses on how political talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun provoke strong, negative emotions, such as anger or loathing, towards certain parties, politicians and groups only, and tries to explain what's the relation to Korean democracy crisis under the circumstances. Those talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun, predominantly about anger and loathing towards oppositions, opposition politicians and pro-North Korea people, have contributed to practical exclusion of the citizens from the political process by their imaginary political participation rather than a role as a democratic public sphere, so they have functioned very well in order to sustain the system of Korean democracy as a way of 'the politics of exclusion', and have been retained regardless of their commercial success for the reason. In other words, the Korean democracy has systematically excluded every citizen and amplified ideological conflicts, and in that chaos of excessively produced emotions, has dealt with all the crucial matters using political technology, which is a serious problem. However, for the good of the political power who wants to keep such kind of political system, this became a reason why those Channel A and TV Chosun shows-sensational and politically biased-have survived, and since Channel A and TV Chosun are remarkably functional within the continuance of that political system they can keep being influential in politics.

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History of nursing and medicine as phenomena of knowledge/power (지식/권력의 현상으로 본 간호와 의학사)

  • Kim, Nam-Sun;Hong, Yoon-Mi;Lee, Kyu-Eun
    • Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing Administration
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    • v.8 no.3
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    • pp.373-380
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    • 2002
  • Purpose : The purpose of this study is to analyze the history of nursing and medicine as phenomena of knowledge/power from the viewpoint of Foucault. Method : The present study adopts the genealogical method by Foucault, which tries to unite languages and knowledge. Foucault who attempted to show that the basic ideas which people normally take to be permanent truths about human nature and society change in the course of history. Results : It has been emphasized that the development of modern health care has been due to the progressive efforts of medicine and to medical discoveries. Foucault examines the institutionalization of knowledge and the power exerted thereby, with special reference to the devices of social regulation and their function over the madness, the disease, the crime, and the sexuality. The concept of power is that it is exerted spontaneously in verbal behaviors of individuals through knowledge of everyday life such as definition of body or mind. Therefore as to the problem of knowledge/power, this study tries to understand the meaning of history of nursing and medicine through an analysis of the formation of text of history. In order to have authority in a power relation, the medical professional asserts that medical discourse is the most scientific knowledge. Conclusion : According to the above findings, it can be concluded that the body is also directly invested in a political field: power relations have an immediate hold upon it; they invest it, mark it, train it, torture it, force it to carry out tasks, to perform ceremonies, to emit signs. Therefore the devaluation of nursing care is reinforced by the medicine which has the legitimate authority through use of the political skills about the body.

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Analysis of Public Perception of Nuclear Power Generation Reflected in the Times (시대성이 반영된 원자력발전에 대한 일반인들의 인식 분석)

  • Park, Cheol Koo;Hwang, Chul Hwan;Kim, Dong Hyun
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Radiology
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    • v.11 no.6
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    • pp.483-491
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    • 2017
  • This study investigates the perception of the general public through analysis of various potential risk factors reflecting nuclear power generation and nuclear power (radiation) and risks. A total of 293 copies of the data were collected from various strata in Busan. As a result, among the potential factors in everyday life, there was a high awareness of the risk to the fire. Next, the perception of risk for radiation terror and nuclear (nuclear) energy was relatively high compared to other risk factors. In the analysis according to age, educational background, and political ideological tendency, the results were contradictory to the necessity, risk and safety of nuclear power generation. The potential risk factors and the perception of nuclear power according to the tendency of political ideology were analyzed to be positive recognition of conservative ideology and negative recognition of progressive group. In other words, the perception of nuclear power was analyzed differently according to the tendency of political ideology. Therefore, it should be decided to reflect the opinions of experts and various opinions of the general public in the setting of nuclear radiation (radiation), it is believed that ordinary people need to take flexible action without having a vague sense of anxiety about various potential risks and nuclear power (radiation) based on objective and scientific grounds.

The Emergence of General Programming Channels and the Formation of Entertaining Media-Political Sphere A New Pattern of Structural Coupling between the Political and the Media Systems (종합편성채널의 부상과 오락적 정론장(政論場)의 형성 정치-미디어 체계 간 구조적 접속의 새로운 양상)

  • Jung, Junehee
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.77
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    • pp.73-107
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    • 2016
  • The general programming channels, newly introduced around the beginning of the 2010s, have grown into powerful journalistic agencies, the far-reaching social influences of which are not confined by the economic effects within the South Korean media industry. They are now rendered to become part of major socio-political institutions that try to secure their privileges based on broadcast journalism, and to widen their business opportunities through those special kind of social practices. This research has taken a path of theoretical endeavour to devise a conceptual framework that will effectively lead to a series of academic investigation into the socio-political characteristics of general programming channels. To this end, specific attention is paid to such theoretical and conceptual resources as the instrumentalization of media by the politics, the political sociology of media power, media-political parallelism, and the structural coupling between the political and the media systems. This paper suggests that general programming channels have emerged as a new interface that accommodates and actualizes the structural coupling between the two societal subsystems, and in the course of that, they undercut the vulnerable basis of media public sphere, effectively replacing it with entertaining media-political sphere constructed and managed by themselves. This sphere is where the media system's logic and the poltical system's logic are intertwined, simutaneously accelerating not only the mediatization of the politics but also the politicization of the media.

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A Framework of Interpretating (de)Centralized Landscape : an Interaction of Power, Subjectivity, and Performativity ((탈)중심화 경관의 해석을 위한 틀 : 권력, 주체성, 수행성)

  • Park, Kyu-Taeg;Ha, Yong-Sam;Bae, Yoon-Gi
    • Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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    • v.16 no.4
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    • pp.355-368
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    • 2010
  • This study is to make a framework of newly interpretating the dynamic change of regional or local landscape rapidly occurred after the establishment of the nation state and capitalistic system. The basic concepts of making an interpretative framework are power, subjectivity, and performativity. The framework of closely interrelating the three concepts developed in the near future will be applied to the interpretation of variety of (de)centralized landscapes in regions or locals. A centralized political power under the nation state has destroyed or marginalized the historically developed landscapes, traditional culture, and subjects' values in regions or locals by the political implementation of the nation state, the establishment of national identity, a centralized economic development, and so on. The landscapes produced by the political power of the nation state can take a role as a cause of conflicts in regions or locals in terms of a historical perspective. Landscapes are being made by various subjects, and the produced landscapes also positively or negatively will influence the emotion, cognition, and behavior of the subjects particularly in a performative perspective. The dynamics interrelation between subjects and landscapes has been disguised or marginalized by reason/rationality, totality/collectivity, the separation between reason and emotion mainly made by modernism, the nation state, a capitalistic system. The interrelation between landscapes and subjects is especially emphasized on people's resistibility and creativity. Lastly, landscape is not a concept given as a priori or (re)presented objectively. It is not also a material or an object independently existed from a subject's emotion and cognition. It should be interpreted through a performative relation with subjects. Performativity will take an active role of combining the materiality of landscape, power, and subjectivity. It is also important to understand the active role of landscapes.

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New horizon of geographical method (인문지리학 방법론의 새로운 지평)

  • ;Choi, Byung-Doo
    • Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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    • v.38
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    • pp.15-36
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    • 1988
  • In this paper, I consider the development of methods in contemporary human geography in terms of a dialectical relation of action and structure, and try to draw a new horizon of method toward which geographical research and spatial theory would develop. The positivist geography which was dominent during 1960s has been faced both with serious internal reflections and strong external criticisms in the 1970s. The internal reflections that pointed out its ignorance of spatial behavior of decision-makers and its simplication of complex spatial relations have developed behavioural geography and systems-theoretical approach. Yet this kinds of alternatives have still standed on the positivist, geography, even though they have seemed to be more real and complicate than the previous one, The external criticisms that have argued against the positivist method as phenomenalism and instrumentalism suggest some alternatives: humanistic geography which emphasizes intention and action of human subject and meaning-understanding, and structuralist geography which stresses on social structure as a totality which would produce spatial phenomena, and a theoretical formulation. Human geography today can be characterized by a strain and conflict between these methods, and hence rezuires a synthetic integration between them. Philosophy and social theory in general are in the same in which theories of action and structural analysis have been complementary or conflict with each other. Human geography has fallen into a further problematic with the introduction of a method based on so-called political ecnomy. This method has been suggested not merely as analternative to the positivist geography, but also as a theoretical foundation for critical analysis of space. The political economy of space with has analyzed the capitalist space and tried to theorize its transformation may be seen either as following humanistic(or Hegelian) Marxism, such as represented in Lefebvre's work, or as following structuralist Marxism, such as developed in Castelles's or Harvey's work. The spatial theory following humanistic Marxism has argued for a dialectic relation between 'the spatial' and 'the social', and given more attention to practicing human agents than to explaining social structures. on the contray, that based on structuralist Marxism has argued for social structures producing spatial phenomena, and focused on theorising the totality of structures, Even though these two perspectives tend more recently to be convergent in a way that structuralist-Marxist. geographers relate the domain of economic and political structures with that of action in their studies of urban culture and experience under capitalism, the political ecnomy of space needs an integrated method with which one can overcome difficulties of orthhodox Marxism. Some novel works in philosophy and social theory have been developed since the end of 1970s which have oriented towards an integrated method relating a series of concepts of action and structure, and reconstructing historical materialism. They include Giddens's theory of structuration, foucault's geneological analysis of power-knowledge, and Habermas's theory of communicative action. Ther are, of course, some fundamental differences between these works. Giddens develops a theory which relates explicitly the domain of action and that of structure in terms of what he calls the 'duality of structure', and wants to bring time-space relations into the core of social theory. Foucault writes a history in which strategically intentional but nonsubjective power relations have emerged and operated by virtue of multiple forms of constrainst wihthin specific spaces, while refusing to elaborate any theory which would underlie a political rationalization. Habermas analyzes how the Western rationalization of ecnomic and political systems has colonized the lifeworld in which we communicate each other, and wants to formulate a new normative foundation for critical theory of society which highlights communicatie reason (without any consideration of spatial concepts). On the basis of the above consideration, this paper draws a new norizon of method in human geography and spatial theory, some essential ideas of which can be summarized as follows: (1) the concept of space especially in terms of its relation to sociery. Space is not an ontological entity whch is independent of society and has its own laws of constitution and transformation, but it can be produced and reproduced only by virtue of its relation to society. Yet space is not merlely a material product of society, but also a place and medium in and through which socety can be maintained or transformed.(2) the constitution of space in terms of the relation between action and structure. Spatial actors who are always knowledgeable under conditions of socio-spatial structure produce and reproduce their context of action, that is, structure; and spatial structures as results of human action enable as well as constrain it. Spatial actions can be distinguished between instrumental-strategicaction oriented to success and communicative action oriented to understanding, which (re)produce respectively two different spheres of spatial structure in different ways: the material structure of economic and political systems-space in an unknowledged and unitended way, and the symbolic structure of social and cultural life-space in an acknowledged and intended way. (3) the capitalist space in terms of its rationalization. The ideal development of space would balance the rationalizations of system space and life-space in a way that system space providers material conditions for the maintainance of the life-space, and the life-space for its further development. But the development of capitalist space in reality is paradoxical and hence crisis-ridden. The economic and poltical system-space, propelled with the steering media like money, and power, has outstriped the significance of communicative action, and colonized the life-space. That is, we no longer live in a space mediated communicative action, but one created for and by money and power. But no matter how seriously our everyday life-space has been monetalrized and bureaucratised, here lies nevertheless the practical potential which would rehabilitate the meaning of space, the meaning of our life on the Earth.

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The Effects of Demographic Factors on Fashion Orientation, Fashion Response, and Buying Criteria(paper no.1)

  • Koo, In-Sook
    • Journal of Fashion Business
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    • v.15 no.3
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    • pp.1-21
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    • 2011
  • This study is designed to identify how Demographic Factors affect Fashion Orientation(value), Fashion Response, and Buying Criteria. A total of 355 usable data was collected from housewives in three metropolitan cities(Seoul, Daejeon, Sungnam) in Korea. Young housewives who have one child are a market segment whose buying power is recognized by both the retailers and the market. The housewives' fashion orientation consists of four categories : social orientation, practical orientation, political orientation, and aesthetic orientation. The housewives' fashion response is classified into three areas : self conscious, self esteem, and self monitoring. The criteria of buying children's wear consists of nine components. As a result, the key reason for buying children' wear was 'attractive design'. Research result showed that POLITICAL ORIENTATION(SE beta=.229, p<.001) was more effective than AESTHETICS ORIENTATION(SE beta=.203, p<.001), for enhancing SELF-CONSCIOUS RESPONSE and SELF-ESTEEM RESPONSE. Therefore, this study suggests that the key factor for understanding trend can be a human self concept, consciousness, values, and orientation. The housewives' fashion orientation is responsible for 18.7% of BRAND ROYALTY(F = 20.172, p<.001) from among nine buying criteria. More poignantly, POLITICAL ORIENTATION covered 66.9% of selection of BRAND ROYALTY, and it explained 34.6% of selection of DESIGN among nine buying criteria. Thus, it showed that POLITICAL ORIENTATION(SE beta=.331, p<.001) is more effective than SOCIAL ORIENTATION(SE beta=.146), for upgrading BRAND ROYALTY. In addition, it showed that POLITICAL ORIENTATION(SE beta=.238, p<.001) is more effective than AESTHETICS ORIENTATION(SE beta=.040) for upgrading DESIGN evaluation. Housewives' fashion orientation, and fashion response are differentiated by demographic factors, such as occupation, women's career, husband' job, income, and location related to social status.

Exploring Policy Reform Options for the Welfare Regime Shift in Korea (한국 복지의 새판 짜기를 위한 문제 인식과 방안 모색)

  • Hong, Kyung Zoon
    • Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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    • v.69 no.2
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    • pp.9-30
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    • 2017
  • Generally, regime shift occurs less frequently than policy change and/or government change. Regime shift needs alterations and changes along the three critical components which constitute a domestic regime: (1) the character of the socioeconomic coalition that rules the country; (2) the political and economic institutions through which power is acquired and exercised; and (3) the public policy profile that give political direction to the nation. This paper tries to examine characteristics of the welfare regime of Korea, and explore policy reform options for the welfare regime shift in Korea. From the viewpoint of livelihood security perspective, I firstly tries to examine development process of Korean welfare regime and specify the main characteristics of that regime. Secondly, I present three policy reform options: (1) reform of the formal political institutions such as electoral system and government type; (2) restructuring of the composition of government expenditure structure; and (3) reduction of the informal employment. These three policy reform options are related to the alteration of socioeconomic coalitions and the changes of the political and economic institutions. Instead of concluding remarks, I finally suggest two debate topics to the round table discussion.

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Type of Political Influences of UCC (UCC의 정치적 영향 유형)

  • Jang, Seong-Ho
    • The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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    • v.10 no.3
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    • pp.294-300
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    • 2010
  • With the development of media technology, UCC actively working through the medium of the Net, the Internet space, which can influence politics instead of TV is drawing attention as the new leading media. As the one-sided media influence of TV is dwindling in the times of the Internet, the hegemony of the media is rapidly changing into UCC marked by two-way interaction. Especially, UCC has the characteristic that it has changed the people performing a role as the receptor of the media into the agent of enormous political influence as well as the freshness specific to its contents. This study was intended to investigate the types of diverse political influences of UCC in political practice as well as daily politics with a focus on the fact that it can newly project the world led by the media and their changes and exercise strong power in changing the society. Therefore, it attempted to investigate the political influence and ripple effect that UCC can exert by attempting to analyze what political influence UCC can exercise at diverse political situations including election. As a result, UCC led to four situations such as incentive-exploding type, issue-leading type, dispersion-switching type, direction-obeying type. This can be said to lead to the positive effect at the political field, such as implementing direct democracy through digital technology.

The Political Geography of Place Names : The Decisions of City Names in the Process of Administrative District Reorganization (지명의 정치지리학: 행정구역개편으로 인한 시 명칭 결정을 사례로)

  • Chi, Sang-Hyun
    • Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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    • v.18 no.3
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    • pp.310-325
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    • 2012
  • Human being has used place names to differentiate one place from another. Place names are the products of collective human cognition in that a place name is chosen when it successfully represents the identity of a place. In addition, place names have been changed by the competition and struggle between social agencies and the political imperatives of hegemonic groups to impose their identity on the places. Recent geographic studies on place names have focused on the social and political processes behind the change of place names. In this vein, the purpose of this study is investigating the debates on the decision of city names in the process of the administrative reorganization in mid 1990s by the lens of political geography. Residents in cities and counties tried to justify their arguments by emphasizing historical backgrounds and popularity of their names. Additionally, economic power and potential were mobilized for the political resources to win over the battle over city names. The result, however, shows that the decision of newly consolidated cities' name was mainly made by the amount of political resources, such as population and number of seats in local assemblies. Several regions tried to use city names to negotiate with counterparts. In sum, the decision of place names is the product of political competitions, and the place name becomes the symbol of territorial identity. Place names have been in the center of disputes in local politics even after the name was decided, which suggest further studies on reasonable solution to mitigate the disputes to be expected when additional reorganization of administrative districts.

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