• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.1-12
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• 2022

A good story persuades people to act. The mobilizing power of a story, however, does not necessarily rely on informational fidelity. During political unrests, word-of-mouth can intermix facts with unverified claims and emotional outrage, often transforming reality into convincing rumor stories. This rapid communication article discusses how rumor publics (dis)approve and participate in 2019 Hong Kong Protests. This survey study finds that police injustice and brutality were the predominant themes of the collected rumor stories, although some stories contained mixed views or anti-protest claims. Rumors of police injustice and brutality were associated with less negative attitudes toward the protests, especially when respondents believed the story. The relationship between rumor stories and protest participation was less obvious, except for rumors about an individual protester's whereabout. This study discusses the ways in which rumor is embedded in contentious political processes.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.57-78
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• 2015

Southeast Asia has been a showcase for democratic transitions in the past 30 years. This paper proposes a conceptual lens for studying political shifts in the Southeast Asian region. The argumentative storyline follows two fundamental propositions about democratic transitions. My first proposition is that during democratic transitions, human phenomena arise on nested analytical layers namely the global arena, the state, prodemocracy movements, and individuals. Each layer is conventionally studied by international relations, political science, sociology, and psychology respectively. I propose a multidisciplinary lens that transverses all these analytical layers. A second proposition is that during political shifts, social conditions are historically-situated. Historicity is anchored on stages of democratization, namely the authoritarian regime, toppling the regime, power shift, state building, and nation building. This paper describes a 4 × 5 matrix (analytical layer × historical stage) that may guide a regional agenda on the empirical study of democratic transitions in the Southeast Asian region. It likewise gives examples of research findings in Philippine-based studies that have already begun to provide empirical data about segments of this research matrix.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.7-34
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• 2017

Various models have been presented to describe early Southeast Asian political formations that draw on both indigenous and imported Indic ideas. The most influential of these are the "Mandala" (Wolters 1968, 1982, 1999), "Galactic" (Tambiah 1976), "Negara" (Geertz 1980), and Anderson's 1972 "The idea of power in Javanese culture." This paper represents an initial attempt to compare the salient features of these models with historical and archaeological data from South Sulawesi where, exceptionally and importantly, societies developed independently of Indic ideas. South Sulawesi is unique in being the only region of maritime Southeast Asia where there are sufficient written and oral sources, often substantiated by archaeological data, to document the social evolution of its society from scattered, economically self-sufficient communities with ranked lineages practicing swidden agriculture to large political units (kingdoms) constructed around indigenous cultural and political concepts with economies based on wet-rice agriculture. This wealth of data provides us with a much more detailed picture of the emergence, development and support structures of early kingdoms than found in the models, which makes South Sulawesi of fundamental importance in understanding the social and economic evolution of pre-Indic influenced Austronesian societies in Maritime Southeast Asia.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.107-144
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• 2023

In competitive political contexts, sustaining power is the ultimate goal for political parties. Nominating celebrity politicians can be a double-edged sword for parent brands in attracting votes and influencing voting intention. This study contributes to the moderating role of brand affinity towards celebrity politicians. It considers celebrities' cognitive perceived benefits and voting intention relationship in a multiparty parliamentarian election. A cross-sectional survey with a stratified proportional random sampling technique in fifteen Lebanese districts ensured a representative sample. One thousand two hundred sixty-nine responses were found eligible for analysis. Findings indicate that brand affinity positively moderates the negative relationship between perceived benefits and voting intention. This study offers a new understanding of celebrity politicians' implementation strategy and campaign management and considers the contribution of the affective intelligence theory. It provides implications, limitations, and promising directions for future research on celebrity politicians.

• Environmental and Resource Economics Review
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• v.27 no.4
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• pp.725-743
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• 2018

Industrial groups (representing the polluters) and environmental non-governmental organizations (representing the victims) respond differently to various environmental policy instruments. As the affected group's power is large either politically or economically, it is unlikely that a single instrument will be actually selected despite being effective or efficient because of the high political costs associated with it. In this paper, we focus on the political role that energy subsidies play in creating a compromise between energy consuming polluters and victims of pollution. The use of a Dolbear (1967)'s triangle Edgeworth box model makes it possible to examine how policy selection affects the income distribution and welfare levels of two groups. The effects of a single policy instrument of either direct regulation or tax are compared with those of a policy mix that includes energy subsidies. We found that the addition of energy subsidies would increase the chance of compromise between polluters and victims.

• English & American cultural studies
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.207-232
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• 2014

Scholars have considered Chaucer's House of Fame mostly as an ars poetica, in which the poet explores new poetic principles and subject matters, while making few attempts to understand the poem in its historical and social contexts. Investigating the nature of the "tidings" that Chaucer suggests as the new source of his poetic inspiration, this paper argues that the house of Rumor was modeled after late fourteenth century English society that experienced increased appetite for news. The political upheaval during the period from the English Rising in 1381 to the reign of Henry IV in the early fifteenth century produced an unprecedented amount of written and oral propaganda. The proliferation of seditious rumors as well as protests and promulgations during this period indicates how seriously medieval society was engaged with the circulation of news. Particularly, the case of John Shirle in 1381 and the legend about the survival of Richard II demonstrate the subversive power of medieval rumor that often served as a political discourse with which people expressed their oppositions to government. Conspicuous in the activities of both the government and late medieval political protestors was the extensive use of writing. The posting of bills in public places continued until the fifteenth century, when such activities became so common and dangerous that the government had to issue proclamations forbidding the circulation of such seditious writings. The number of extant royal proclamations, written protests, and pamphlets demonstrates that already in the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the notion of a discursive public space began to emerge. Whether written or orally transmitted, news and rumor circulated in late medieval England, creating a social space in which people shared their political opinions before the introduction of the early modern print culture. In The House of Fame Chaucer calls attention to the subversiveness of rumor, its potential as a public discourse, and the power of written communication in creating truth in order to appropriate these characteristics for his English poems.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.173-218
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• 2009

Bring this analysis down to people-centered development perspective and looking through democratization in the Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia, we find similarities and differences among them related with the intensity of conflicts between development and human rights in the process of democratization in line with global transformation. Civil society in the Philippines criticized the developmental path in the Philippines which failed to implement land reform and eradication of poverty under the transition from 'patrimonial oligarchy' to democracy. In Thailand the coalition of military and the royalists had consolidated its power since Sarit military regime, which later paved the way 'hybrid oligarchy' era. Most Thai civil society organizations has regarded their developmental experience rather as 'maldevelopment' which disregarded economic and social rights. It has been especially believed by Thai localists that the stimulation of local markets and the building of autonomic community society will form the alternative economy without going against the conservative banner of nation, religion and king. Thaksin as a populist successfully took advantage of Thai localist ethos in favour of taking the seat of power. He projected himself as a modernizer focused on economic growth and cleaner politics. However Thaksin's procedural legitimacy was overthrown by counterattacking from military-royalist alliance, pretexting that Thaksin caused internal conflicts and lacked morality. Soeharto's New Order regime which can be called 'administrative oligarchy' had an antipathy towards notions of economic and social rights as well as civil and political rights. In spite of the fact that the fall of Soeharto opened the political space for democratic civil society organizations which had long struggled with development aggression and human rights abuses, there have been continuously a strong political and military reaction against human rights activists, NGOs and ethnic minorities such as Aceh and Papua. Nevertheless, Indonesian democracy is more promising than Philippine's and Thai democracy in terms of comparatively less pre-modern legacies.

• Journal of East-Asian Urban History
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.121-138
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• 2021

The Dutch arrived in the islands that now compose Indonesia in the 17^th century, settling first in Banten (1600) and Ambon (1605) before establishing Batavia (1619) and taking over Malacca (1641) from the Portuguese. Referring to this network of strategic bases throughout the Nusantara region, this paper uses the element of urban cultural heritage to examine these four major trade hubs experienced very different destinies as a result of Dutch decisions. It also explores how shifts in political power after Indonesia's independence influenced Jakarta's dominance in modern-day Indonesia. The paper suggests that Dutch opportunism and strategic visions underpinned the decision to make Jakarta the center of colonial power in the 17^th century century. It also concludes that Jakarta's continued importance in political control and policies explains why it retained its position after Indonesia's independence, and these have been supported by recent policy measures. Finally, this paper concludes that, despite its Dutch origins, urban cultural heritage has been embraced by Indonesians.

• 중국학논총
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• no.63
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• pp.251-273
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• 2019

China in the sixteenth century was exposed to various problems, and the surrounding nations were growing as potential threats by building up their powers and forming an unstable political state by losing control of civilization in politics, economy, knowledge, ideas and ideas. Especially, Mateo Ricci's knowledge and ideas were enough to attract the Chinese knowledge society. However, the influx of Western astronomy and world maps was not only a substitute for the notion of heaven and earth of Chinese tradition, but it destroyed all the knowledge and ideology of China, the foundation of political power and knowledge power. It transformed China in the center of the world into China in some parts of the world. It also brought about a great change in the civilization map of culture and savagery. As a result, the relationship between 'center and periphery', 'civilization and barbarians' could not be established, and the title of Chinese as a unique and exclusive civilization could no longer be maintained.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.285-299
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• 2019

The 'One Belt One Road (OBOR)' initiative, which was promulgated as part of the enlargement policy along with the advent of Xi Jinping in 2013, is a policy to expand China's political and economic power externally through linkages with neighboring countries. China's overseas port investment plays an important role in the promotion of the 'OBOR' policy from the coast of China through maritime transportation routes from S.E Asia to Mediterranean and Europe. Since China's overseas port investment has been made from several factors such as political, economic, and military motives, it differs in purpose and character from investments made by private companies, such as Global Port Operators(GTO) which consider profitability first. This study aims to address future prospects and implications by analyzing the geopolitics of China's overseas port investment under the 'One Belt One Road' initiative. According to the results, China's overseas port investment is dominated by state-owned enterprises and political and security factors are more important than profitability. China's overseas port investment has been on a large scale in a short period of time, and China has faced with various problems both domestically and internationally. such as debt default, environmental problems, subordination problems from recipient countries and political and military confrontation with great countries such as United States, Japan and India etc.