• Journal of Engineering Education Research
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.45-52
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• 2012

The success history of Light Water Reactors (PWR and BWR) showed how a dominant technology could be shaped in a political and economical context. The american nuclear politics, the interest of american nuclear industry, and the accumulated technological know-hows made it possible that the not inherently safe reactor-Light Water Reactor- became a prominent reactor model. The path dependency of reactor technology on LWR kept the engineers from developing a new safer reactor, even if the severe reactor accidents occurred. In oder to increase safety of nuclear power system, we should understand the social shaping process of nuclear technology.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.3
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• pp.79-88
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• 1976

In Ecorea Lrynasty, the authority all officers a compulsary obligatic.~ to learn the Nyo-I~.'z~\ulcorneruzngd er the custody of a super1 iscr o; Letters wino -1 a\ulcorner the ~ejponsible officer to train ci~ril senants. The Nyo-Kjli ilg was possible to interpret the pious love of ci I illans to the~re lders as a mutual ethics between the parental ber~ec;~lc nce and the filial piety of inferiors which n-as far superior to the traditional cthic; that was laid on an firm obligation of inieri~rs to tEei:- elders. The filial piety as a lovc for elders mean2 a mutual harrn~n:a~n d show\ulcorner a berieiolent conduct as an influence of a political morality. Thc heaer-o!erLt conduct was developed as a political morality of Confucius originated from the filial piety of Confucius based on a moral policj . Such a kenerolent conduct is to become a main spring to effect a mutual tie betn-een the king and his people as a national system of the Confucian theory. In i*

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.137-152
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• 2018

Hofstede cultural value model is one of the most influential model for cross-cultural studies to measure national difference. In this study, we examine that Hofstede Cultural Dimensions can be measured by World Value Surveys. Selected WVS questions for 31 measurable countries after Exploratory Factor Analysis(EFA) and Confirmatory Factor Analysis(CFA), approved valid through empirical analysis. It is applicable that Individualism values(IND) has related to 2 questionnaires including life satisfaction, Power Distance values(PDI) to 2 questionnaires about political action(Signing a petition and Joining in boycotts), Masculinity values(MAS) to 2 sexual-role questionnaires like "University is more important for a boy than for a girl", Uncertainty Avoidance values (UAI) to 3 questionnaires about confidence(Parliament, The Political parties and Justice System), Long-Term Oriented values(LTO) to 4 questionnaires including "How proud of nationality" and Indulgence versus Restraints values (IVR)to 2 questionnaires including Feeling of Happiness.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.2
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• pp.201-235
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• 2004

This paper provides a simple microeconomic model of terrorist attcks and anti-terrorism policies. The terrorists can be characterised as rational actors, choosing between legal activities and terrorist activities to promote their political goals. Since their resources are limited, one can think of anti-terrorist policies by examining how such policies affect the objectives and constraints of terrorists. Deterrence policy seeks to reduce terrorist attacks by raising the cost of undertaking terrorist acts. Proactive policy aims at preventing attacks by destroying terrorists' resources (fund, personnel, leadership). This paper suggests another type of anti-terrorist policy which is to reduce the benefits of (or in other words, raising the opportunity costs of) terrorist acts. Such a policy is based on decentralisation in political decision-making and economic power.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.281-285
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• 2024

Within five years of Kim Jong-un's rise to power, North Korea conducted four nuclear tests and launched the Hwasong-15, an intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM), in 2017, declaring the completion of its nuclear forces. During the period when Kim Jong-un completed nuclear forces to maintain the regime, foreign policy factors of the United States, China, Russia, and South Korea drove North Korea's accelerated nuclear development. The main motivating factors were the hostile policies and external threats as security factors. The completion of nuclear forces is also the result of the interplay of domestic political factors, normative factors, and hereditary factors. North Korea has been developing nuclear weapons and missiles for the survival of its regime. To achieve lasting peace on the Korean Peninsula, a new modus vivendi must be sought. It is necessary to set the ultimate goal of North Korea's complete denuclearization and engage in strategic thinking for a realistic and effective phased approach.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.10
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• pp.121-133
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• 2018

This study begins with focus on the public opinion and political views on embracing Yemeni refugees in Jeju. The public opinion is demanding amendment or even abolition of the Refugee Act. The argument opposing Yemeni refugees is persuasive enough in terms of public order and safety, cultural conflicts and economic interests, but it is going against the universal and authentic values that must be pursued by a forward-looking society. It is natural that the power exerting political discretion keeps an eye on public opinion. However, no matter how many people express it, unjustified public opinion must not be a foundation for political decision. This study will examine the shadows of public opinion and related concepts for those reasons, and review Augustine's concept of 'love' as a value to refer to in making a communal decision. Conflicts lead to insecurity and rift. Without sensus communis (common sense), the rift will not be healed. This study raises the need to resolve such conflicting state and seeks insight from Augustine.

• Journal of Service Research and Studies
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.1-17
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• 2013

The main purpose of this paper is to examine the aid effectiveness of ODA projects through a case of an e-Government ODA. The case at hand is the Mongolian National Data Center project, which was supported by Korea International Cooperation Agency in 2007~2009. In this paper, we analyze aid effectiveness through a case instead of a long-term macroeconomic analysis. By using OECD DAC guideline for performance evaluation of ODA project combined with PRM (Performance Reference Model) for evaluating e-Government, authors undertakes a post-implementation evaluation on the Mongolian NDC project. The result shows that the NDC project has been relevant and implemented effectively and efficiently given the political instability incurred by the election fraud in 2008. However, there have been problems as well. Provision of defected monitors was a critical problem while disagreement on the safety of the building was lasted for two more years to be settled. Some comments on the training program are also worth to hear to ameliorate similar projects. But more fundamental problems are found in impacts and sustainability areas. Low political status of ICTPA as a coordinating organization for ICT ODA and unstable job security of NDC are serious hurdles to increase effectiveness and efficiency of NDC. ICTPA has played very limited roles in coordinating government-wide ICT ODA projects because it lacks actual power and control over them. Other government organizations do not fully trust NDC as a reliable government data center due to low political status and lack of job security. Thus critical factors to affect the effectiveness and efficiency of e-Government ODA projects are political and organizational instead of economic.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.312-334
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• 2010

This paper examines the process of Gyeongbu Highway construction from the standpoint of political economy, which was pursued by President Park Jeong-Hee in the 1960s, focusing on the politics of mobility and demarcation implied in it. As results of examination, it can be argued that Gyeongbu Highway was seen as a powerful element to promote a socio-spatial integration of population and hence to enforce an authoritative political power of the Park regime through creation of mobility; that it has had an strong impact on changing the physical landscape of national space and the spatio-temporal rhythm of everyday life by extending the 'machine space' as a non-place; that it has provided a physical infrastructure on which the period of capital circulation could be reduced through its effect of space-time compression. But Gyeongbu Highway has led serious problems such as uneven regional development, expansion of non-place or alienated place, ecological destruction and pollution. In conclusion, a sustainable politics is suggested to overcome this kind of 'tragedy of highway' and to develop the highway as a true way of political and spatial balance and integration.

• Asian review of World Histories
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.5-44
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• 2013

This essay offers a historically based critique of the idea of "alternative modernities" that has acquired popularity in scholarly discussions over the last two decades. While significant in challenging Euro/American-centered conceptualizations of modernity, the idea of "alternative modernities" (or its twin, "multiple modernities") is open to criticism in the sense in which it has acquired currency in academic and political circles. The historical experience of Asian societies suggests that the search for "alternatives" long has been a feature of responses to the challenges of Euromodernity. But whereas "alternative" was conceived earlier in systemic terms, in its most recent version since the 1980s cultural difference has become its most important marker. Adding the adjective "alternative" to modernity has important counter-hegemonic cultural implications, calling for a new understanding of modernity. It also obscures in its fetishization of difference the entrapment of most of the "alternatives" claimed--products of the reconfigurations of global power--within the hegemonic spatial, temporal and developmentalist limits of the modernity they aspire to transcend. Culturally conceived notions of alternatives ignore the common structural context of a globalized capitalism which generates but also sets limits to difference. The seeming obsession with cultural difference, a defining feature of contemporary global modernity, distracts attention from urgent structural questions of social inequality and political injustice that have been globalized with the globalization of the regime of neoliberal capitalism. Interestingly, "the cultural turn" in the problematic of modernity since the 1980s has accompanied this turn in the global political economy during the same period. To be convincing in their claims to "alterity", arguments for "alternative modernities" need to re-articulate issues of cultural difference to their structural context of global capitalism. The goal of the discussion is to work out the implications of these political issues for "revisioning" the history and historiography of modernity.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.179-209
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• 2018

Three dacades of time have passed since the Korean labour movement experimented its political empowerment struggle. Generally it has failed for all some positive results. But unfortunately there were no critical and intellectual reflections regarding the failure within the labour movement. This study drew three conclusions. Firstly, the success or failure of political experiments was caused mainly by the labour regime changes of the Korean society. Secondly, the motive power was provided not by the progressive party, the Democratic Labour Party, but by the trade union movement and organization, the Minjoonochong. Lastly, the Candle-Light revolution in 2016 has produced some new conditions for the second stage of political empowerment praxis in Korean labour movement.