• Asia-pacific Journal of Multimedia Services Convergent with Art, Humanities, and Sociology
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• v.8 no.10
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• pp.883-893
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• 2018

The inflow of Labor Migrants has been grown up to 600,000 people until now with the adoption of Employment Permit System (EPS) in 2004 until now. However the institutional support lack to ensure their rights and improve their conditions. This is because of their consideration ad temporary labors in South Korean society and labor forces rather than the objects of integration. As a result, the legal status and rights of migrant workers are criticized for their utilization rather than human rights, and human rights protection is insufficient. To this context, this paper analyzed the 19th presidential election pledge of the four political parties (Democratic Party, the Liberty Korea Party, Bareun Party and Justice Party) the majority of the Korean National Assembly, and predicted how the policies of migrant workers would evolve. The study found that there were two political parties that did not mention policies for migrant workers, and the remaining two parties also maintained their current policies. This is probably the biggest reason to recognize migrant workers as temporary residents. However, they should also be aware of the fact, that migrant workers are the members of the Korean society and are the owners of human rights that should be guaranteed, and should consider the policy directions to live with them.

• Journal of the Korean housing association
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• v.20 no.5
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• pp.103-112
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• 2009

This New-Town Project has been proposed to improve the environments of deprived residential areas. This paper investigates the distribution levels of the participating parties' monetary surpluses from New-Town Projects through a case study and tentatively suggests political issues and measures. The methodology followed includes a thorough survey of the precedent theories, including a literature review concerning issues and tasks that have been raised since the development was initiated. A general assessment of the complete project is also provided with a broad perspective of the background settings. Secondly, the case study of Gil-Eum will be the focus for identifying the mechanism for the project's profit distribution levels, then for constructing a set of measuring procedures according to the stages of the project and the participating parties. This set of procedures that has been drawn out from recognizing the system, is applied to the target project and measures the amount of profit gained from each stage of the development. This also aids in collating information about the procedural arguments concerning the financial gains of the operations that have been provided. This project falls under the 'Urban and Residential Environment Improvement Act', and based on the results of each stage, the measurement of the profits of the participating parties is analyzed.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.10
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• pp.738-749
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• 2020

The stamp commemorating the inauguration of a president is the smallest historical symbol that contains a nation's vision and wishes of the times. The stamp itself is just a collection of images but contains the meaning of the highest leader's perceived image at the time through their face and a symbol. This paper regarded presidential inauguration commemorative stamps in the context of advertisement or promotional materials to structurally analyze the images of the political leaders embedded in stamps utilizing 'semiology' theory, which is considered to be a useful method of advertisement. In accordance with social and cultural changes, the 2000s, when the changes in the presidential inauguration stamp was most distinctively noticeable, was set as the time frame. Only the presidential inauguration commemorative stamps of Moo-hyun Roh, Myung-bak Lee, Geun-hye Park, and Jae-in Moon were selected for this study. In order to interpret the image, a semiotic structure was applied to reconstruct the meaning of the image of the political leaders. Since this can lead to subjective judgment in image analysis, it attempted to find the truth through comprehensive interpretation and approach it from the social and cultural contexts, not a static approach. In this paper, the images of the Korean political leaders in the 2000s shown on stamps are no longer influenced by traditional political factors such as political parties, political ideologies, and regional origins due to the evolution of democracy. This study derives the characteristics of the images of independent and characteristic leaders centered on a person according to the situations and social phenomena of the times.

• Journal of Environmental Impact Assessment
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.41-47
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• 1993

During the last years it became more and more difficult to deal with environmental conflicts using traditional political instruments in industrialized countries. One reason for the occurring problems might be the citizens' awareness of scarceness of nature. Another reason might be the changing legislation with the introduction of the environmental impact assessment (EIA) as an integral part of a project's licensing procedure. The EIA offers new possibilities for citizens to interfere in decision processes and to obstruct projects. The changing situation requires new instruments for conflict solving. Mediation may be considered an alternative or completion to the traditional political instruments. It is a systematic strategy for conflict treatment and. with the support of an independent mediator, allows to reach an agreement among all parties involved. Mediation may be introduced in the EIA One possibility offers the scoping date, which, if the participation of the public is assured, might avoid heavy disputes in the further process. Another connection between the instrument of mediation and the EIA could be the use of the environmental impact study (EIS) as information background for a mediation process. EIA would then be source of information about all environmental aspects. Thus the role of EIA would be extended to being a part of conflict analysis in the alternative dispute resolution process.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.23 no.3
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• pp.217-256
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• 2013

This study addresses the issue of the continuity in Indonesia's party system with respect to Islam, authoritarian legacy and income, using the urban-based individual face-to-face survey data. The existing studies focus on the historical continuity of the Indonesian party system between the 1955 and 1999 democratic elections. Yet, this study deals with the continuity and discontinuity between the pre-transitional 1997 election and the transitional 1999 election. It finds that the effect of Islam is largely independent of the democratic transition: Islam-oriented voters under the authoritarian rule tend to remain in the Islamic camp even during and after the democratic transition, while most of the secular voters prior to the democratic transition continue to shun any Islamic parties during the democratization. The effect of authoritarian legacy is also found to be meaningful, even if not as sticky as Islam. Finally, the variable of income is significant. Contrary to the popular belief, the PDIP is not a party of the urban poor but the PPP is the urban poor's favorite choice. This implies the linkage between poverty and political Islam.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.151-158
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• 2022

The study aims to investigate Lebanese-Chinese relations within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative. Lebanon formally joined the effort in 2017; this paper emphasizes Lebanon's geostrategic importance. The paper presents an assessment of the investment risks in Lebanon, which is considered an economically unstable country with a volatile security situation, with many internal and external political hurdles. The paper refers to the obstacles and challenges that the Chinese investor may face in Lebanese society. The study employs qualitative descriptive analysis to address the status of Chinese investment in Lebanon and the consequences of this partnership; the paper examines previous research related to the Belt and Road Initiative and the Lebanese political, security, and economic situation literature. Due to the deteriorating security situation, external intervention, and the economic crisis, the results reveal that Lebanon is not a top investment priority for China, which is a big impediment to China entering into economic cooperation with Lebanon. The findings of this study suggest that the Lebanese government should adopt an anti-corruption policy to build confidence for the Chinese investor, reduce unnecessary public spending, and hold a national dialogue to build confidence among the Lebanese parties.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.201-227
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• 2023

The purpose of this study is to examine how France became a representative country for far-right European populism, despite its tradition of tolerance. To achieve this goal, we examine, first, how the concept of tolerance developed in France after the 16th century. Through this process, we find that within the political system, the tolerance of the liberal tradition met with universalism, a republican value, and developed into an 'institutional tolerance' that allowed 'differences' from an authoritarian perspective rather than on an equal level. This 'assimilation' policy, reflecting a 'patriarchal' and 'oppressive' institutional tolerance, formed the keynote of the immigration policy of the 20th century, which continued until the 1980s, and shows that the French government did not take practical steps for the social integration of immigrant groups under the republican universal value that does not allow 'differences.' The government came up with an 'integration' immigration policy that embraces cultural 'differences' only after encountering problems with immigrant groups. However, this was not enough to calm the antipathy towards immigrants in French society and the discontent of immigrants in French society. Also, universalism, a republican value with deep roots in France, prevented the French immigration policy from escaping its assimilationist nature even in the 21st century. In the midst of this, far-right parties have gained power by promoting xenophobic sentiments centered on immigration problems. Finally, this study also looks at how far-right populism is currently changing the French political environment.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.77-114
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• 2018

The purpose of this article is to verify whether recent political change in Thailand and the Philippines is temporarily shown "democratic recession" or "returning to authoritarianism". For the purpose this research establishes three propositions based on previous academic researches of political change. The is to verify characteristics of liberal democracy based on democratic procedures and institutions as well as civilian control over the military. The is to analyze the characteristics of authoritarianism such as the control over individual freedom and rights, concentration of power, and populist ruling behavior contrary to constitutionalism. The last one, , is to check either the coincidence or discrepancy between democratic institutions and popular understanding of democracy during democratic transitions. The finding through testing those propositions is that recent political change in two countries is more likely "returing to authoritarianism" rather than provisional "democratic recession". Implications of the finding has two aspects. One is that the only change in democratic procedures and institutions including the competition among political parties and peaceful change of governments are not enough to ensure a successful transition to liberal democracy. The other is that a half-democracy lacking the change of popular understanding and belief toward democracy as well as democratic practices cannot survive long enough. These are confirmed through this study on the cases of Thailand and the Philippines.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.29
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• pp.189-231
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• 2005

This study examined image restoration strategies of political parties regarding the Presidential impeachment In Korea. The analytic framework of this study was Benoit's rhetorical theory of image restoration strategies. Results showed that both Hanara Party and Minju Party used attack accuser as a major image restoration strategy. However, Hanara Party changed their strategies from attack accuser to future oriented. Thus, Hanara Party's image restoration strategy successfully applied Coombs theory, which future oriented strategy was good for an organization of the high responsibility in the context of crisis situation.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.25-46
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• 2011

The state-sangha relations in the countries of Theravada Buddhism has often been described as a mutually dependent patron-client relation in which the state and the sangha support each other by performing their due roles. Yet this theory involves a normative dimension that prescribes such a relation as the ideal in the Buddhist world. The explanatory power of this theory hence is hampered in a country where the ideal is not fully realized. In the wake of tumultuous political upheaval where political rivals vie for the state the ideal as well as the theory are put into a trial. The tragic history of modern Cambodia is a history of ceaseless conflict in which multiple contenders for the state had to define their relations with the sangha. The relations defined turned out less mutual than supposed. The state-sangha relations were rather unilaterally dependent. More often than not the sangha was subject to state control with no power to confront the state or coopted only to become a tool for political propaganda and manipulation. The sangha always played the role of client, waiting for the state to define the relation and to be benevolent. Even when the monks were forced to disrobe and when the sangha itself was annihilated, all they did was to wait for another patron state that would put the sangha back in place. The state-sangha relations the Cambodian history reveals were not close to one in which the two parties benefit each other on an equal basis. It was a patron-client relationship in which the client sangha had to be heavily dependent on the patron state. Such a unilaterally dependent relationship is the one that has prevailed in Cambodia.