E-commerce is a relatively new but rapidly developing industry and global phenomenon. Uzbekistan, as developing country, has recognized that strong economic development is associated with the adoption and development of e-commerce industry. In this regard, the present study identifies the main facilitators of e-commerce in a developing country and provides some important implications. Four rounds of the Delphi method conducted for a survey involving a panel of experts from various organizations associated with e-commerce, indicate a total of 24 items representing five facilitating factors. The results indicate no significant differences among factors reflecting technology infrastructure, the legal environment/support, the industry environment, and business organizations and suggest that technology infrastructure, the legal environment/support, and the industry environment are more important facilitators of e-commerce than the economic and political environment. The results have important practical and theoretical implications.
The purpose of this study is to examine the perception of the right to vote of persons with developmental disabilities in college students. College students attending in A University and B University in Gwangju Metropolitan City were selected using convenience sampling and 370 samples were finally analyzed. The results were as follows. First, the subjects who took a disability course had high perception of the right to vote of persons with developmental disabilities. Second, it was discovered that the more times people participated in the volunteer work related to disabilities, the more recognition they had on the voting rights of people with developmental disabilities. Third, the subjects who responded for the need for the political rights of persons with developmental disabilities had more positive perception of the right to vote of persons with developmental disabilities than those who did not responded. Based on the findings, it was suggested that methods should be investigated to establish positive attitude and perception of the right to vote of persons with developmental disabilities in persons without developmental disabilities including college students.
This study discusses two canceled dam projects, Youngwol Dam in South Korea and Two Forks Dam in Colorado of the United States. Both of them illustrate how the new paradigm applies to regional water projects because they became victims of environmental opposition in the new paradigm. While the cases have no apparent close relationships and they occurred in different decades, they offer interesting comparisons. They were basically struggles between water development coalitions and environmental protection coalitions on regional water conflicts. The two proposed projects brought about fierce debates on large dam as they embraced a wide-range of environmental, social, and political issues rather than construction of dams themselves. Huge anti-dam oppositions scrapped them at the cost of nearly ten years for decision-makings and enormous financial resources for feasibility studies respectively. It identifies who the policy actors were, what the policy strategies were, and how the water policies evolved in both countries. The decision-makings on the two projects appeared at first glance to be made under formal institutional frameworks, but in actuality, they relied significantly on decisions of the two important political actors. The Korean society began to learn negotiation and cooperation approaches to solve the water conflict by establishing the Joint Task Force Team on Youngwol project in 1999. The team is recognized as a new conflict resolution method in South Korea because a diverse of stakeholder interests voluntarily participated in the decision-making process and discussed water issues directly. Even though the projects resulted in futile fruits in each country, they illustrate the images of the new paradigm that significantly affected in formulating regional water policies in South Korea and the United States.
Journal of Korean Society of Occupational and Environmental Hygiene
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v.29
no.4
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pp.517-529
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2019
Introduction: Although shift work is an inevitable form of labor in modern society, it has been identified as a cause of many ailments, such as cancer and musculoskeletal disorders. Meanwhile, previous studies have also shown that musculoskeletal disorders account for a large proportion of total industrial accidents and a high prevalence rate of these ailments has been found in shift workers. Methods: Among the respondents to the 5th Korea Working Conditions Survey(KWCS) 3,916 shift workers(2,658 of whom have not experienced musculoskeletal pain and 1,258 who have experienced musculoskeletal pain) were asked how the work regularity of shift workers affected musculoskeletal pain. Results: The results of a dichotomous logistic regression by correcting the demographic characteristics of the study subjects showed a lower prevalence of musculoskeletal pain in the 'High' regularity group compared to the 'Intermediate' regularity group for the criterion 'Regularity of Time Fixation'. A lower prevalence of musculoskeletal pain was shown in the 'High' and 'Moderate' regularity group compared to the 'Very Low' regularity one. Conclusions: Based on these findings, it was found that musculoskeletal pain occurs less when the work regularity of shift workers is 'Very high' or 'Intermediate', and the effect of working regularity on musculoskeletal pain varies for each shift type of work. It is deemed that more precise observation and understanding are required when managing the working environment of shift workers, and further study of regarding this issue is needed.
North Korea and South Korea agreed to refer their investment disputes to arbitration by adopting' Agreed Minutes on Procedures of Settlement of Commercial Disputes' on 16th December 2000. According to the Agreed Minutes, the two Koreas were to establish an arbitration commission within 6 months after the Agreed Minutes had been signed. In 2002, North Korea enacted laws to draw interest of foreign tourists to Mountain Kumgang and to boost investment into the region of Kaesung as it provided in those laws that commercial disputes should be settled by arbitration or judicial procedures. In October 2003, the two Koreas succeeded in adopting another Agreed Minutes as to the establishment and functioning of North-South Arbitration Commission. The fact that the two Koreas have agreed to establish an arbitration commission is meaningful since they are leading their lives quite differently in political, social, and economic sense for more than a half century. Although there still remain doubts as to the North Korean policy on nuclear matters, an arbitration commission could be a cornerstone for the set-up of the dispute settlement system between the two Koreas and a great help for investors from South Korea to pursue their possible legal claims as North Korea is eager to invite South Korean businessmen and other foreign investors to invest in its special economic areas. According to the Agreed Minutes of 2003, the two Koreas are going to adopt procedural rules for the arbitration commission. It will be a great challenge for them to agree on specific issues as to the operation of the arbitration commission. They have to set up a rester of arbitrators respectively and may have to enact or revise their own arbitration laws and rules reflecting the Agreed Minutes of 2000 and 2003. It is quite welcome that the two Koreas have agreed to set up an arbitration commission rather than resort to political or diplomatic means to settle their disputes. The success of the arbitration system between the two Koreas will make sure the safety of investment environment in the northen part of the Korean Peninsula and will bring the peace to the Korean peninsula earlier than expected.
This study analyzed the impact of social trust and conflict perception of news users on news use. To this end, 548 adults aged 20 and under 69 were surveyed online. The analysis results are as follows. First, the level of awareness of social conflict has been shown according to people's political orientation. Second, the higher the trust in society, the greater the use of news regardless of land-based, comprehensive, and online channels. Third, the perception of social conflict was related to the use of news through JTBC, TV Chosun, Channel A and YouTube. Fourth, the age and political orientation of news users influenced the use of news by channel. Finally, the more progressive the tendency was to use news through JTBC or to watch news on portals. On the other hand, the more progressive the use of news through three terrestrial broadcasters, TV Chosun, and Channel A decreased. In conclusion, this study is meaningful in terms of the user-oriented discussion of the news environment and the impact of an individual's social perception on news use.
Purpose - This article empirically investigated the effects of the socio-political factor of censorship preconditioning, and organizational support, mediating performance expectancy of public sector officials' behavioural intention to utilise social media in a post-communist country, Mongolia. Design/methodology/approach - This study collected 212 survey data from public sector organisations in Mongolia. Using the Partial Least Squire (PLS) method, this study analyzed the proposal model grounded on the UTAUT model. Findings - There are still communist footprints in the form of censorship, which remained as a negative precondition factor, and this has an indirect negative influence, and organisational support mediates to enhance performance expectancy. Effort expectancy and social influence factors have direct positive influence on the use of social media systems in the government domain of Mongolia Research implications or Originality - This study empirically investigated the model of public employees' intention to examine the post-communist countries' cultural, social, economic, and political systems, government organisational environment of the former communist sphere. The cultural factors, censorship and organisational support, to the existing IT adoption UTAUT model were also identified to test the situation of a post-communist country, Mongolia. This study contributes to the new theoretical involvement with social media by testing a new social media-based third-party intercommunication channel, including intent to use in the public service for post-communist countries. This study practically provides the guidelines to promote social media usage for public sector in the post-communist situation.
Purpose - As the global product network expands through both internationalization and diversification of the multimodal transportation system, corporate strategies have shifted to emphasize the importance of a high value-added international logistics system. To guide policies and strategies to attract relevant industries, this study aims to analyze the location competitiveness of regional logistics distribution center to serve Northeast Asia. Design/methodology - Multi-criteria techniques are considered to offer a promising framework for evaluating decision-making factors. This paper employed an analytic hierarchy process to analyze the hierarchal structure of determinants for selecting the location of a regional logistics distribution center. Adopting both qualitative and quantitative evaluations, this study suggest political implications for a regional logistics distribution center development, such as the direction of political support, service differentiation and infrastructure development. Findings - This study developed a location competitiveness evaluation model, based on the case study of the major port-cities in Northeast Asia. Evaluation model incorporates five factors underpinning 17 components extracted using factor analysis. The results revealed that the logistics factor is the most significant factor for evaluating the competitiveness of a regional logistics distribution center. The remaining factors were market, costs, and services environment. Comparing qualitative and quantitative evaluations, results provide useful insights for a regional logistics distribution center development in Northeast Asia. Originality/value - This study revealed differences between qualitative and quantitative evaluations. The finding implies that prior works on evaluation models of competitiveness has not successfully measured the gap between quantitative data and expert' evaluations. To overcome this limitation, this paper considered both actual data such as actual distance, cost, the number of companies located, and expert opinions.
Journal of Daesoon Thought and the Religions of East Asia
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v.2
no.2
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pp.73-99
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2023
The dragon is a special imaginary figure created by the people of East Asia. Its archetypes appeared primarily as totemic symbols of different tribes and groups in the region. The formation of early dynasties probably generated the molding of the dragon symbol. Dragon symbols carried deep imprints of nature. They concealed alternative messages of how ancient people at different locations dealt with or interacted with nature. Under pressure to standardize in the medieval and late imperial periods, the popular dragon had to transform physically and ideologically. It became imposed, unified, and framed, conveying ideas of caste classification and power, and losing itsecological implications. The dragon transitioned from a semi-ecological domain into a total social caste system. However, many people considered the "standardized" dragon as the symbol of the oppressor. Because of continuous orthopraxy and calls for imperial reverence, especially under orthopractic agenda and the surveillance of local elites, the popularized dragon was imbued within local artworks or hidden under the sanctity of Buddhas or popular gods in order to survive. Through disguise, the popular dragon partially maintained its ecological narratives. When the imperial dynasties ended in East Asia (1910 in Korea, 1911 in China, 1945 in Vietnam), the dragon was dramatically decentralized. However, trends of re-standardization and re-centralization have emerged recently in China, as the country rises in the global arena. In this newly-emerging "re-orthopraxy", the dragon has been superimposed with a more externally political discourse ("soft power" in international relations) rather than the old-style standardization for internal centralization in the late imperial period. In the contemporary world, science and technology have advanced humanity's ability to improve the world; however, it seems that people have abused science and technology to control nature, consequently damaging the environment (pollution, global warming, etc.). The dragon symbol needs to be re-defined, "re-molded", re-evaluated and reinterpreted accordingly, especially under the newly-emerging lens-the New Confucian "anthropocosmic" view.
Within the discipline of International Relations (IR), the literatures on global governance (GG) and great power management (GPM) at best ignore each other, and at worst treat the other as a rival or enemy. On the one hand, the GPM literature, like both realism in all its forms, and neoliberalism, takes for granted the ongoing, disproportionate influence of the great powers in the management of the international system/society, and does not look much beyond that. On the other hand, the GG literature emphasizes the roles of smaller states, non-state actors and intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), and tends to see great powers more as part of the problem than as part of the solution. This paper argues that the rise to prominence of a non-traditional security agenda, and particularly of human security, has triggered a de facto merger of GPM and GG that the IR literature usually treated as separate and often opposed theories. We use the Ebola crisis of 2014-15 to show how an issue framed as human security brought about a multi-actor response that combined the key elements of GPM and GG. The security framing overrode many of the usual inhibitions between great powers and non-state actors in humanitarian crises, including even the involvement of great power military forces. Through examining broadly the way in which the Ebola crisis is tackled, we argue that in an age of growing human security challenges, GPM and GG are necessarily and fruitfully merging. The role of great powers in this new human security environment is moving away from the simple means and ends of traditional GPM. Now, great powers require the ability to cooperate and coordinate with multiple-level actors to make the GG/GPM nexus more effective and sustainable. In doing so they can both provide crucial resources quickly, and earn respect and status as responsible great powers. IGOs provide legitimation and coordination to the GPM/GG package, and non-state actors (NSAs) provide information, specialist knowledge and personnel, and links into public engagement. In this way, the unique features of the Ebola crisis provide a model for how the merger of GPM and GG might be taken forward on other shared-fate threats facing global international society.
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