• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.37 no.1
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• pp.83-107
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• 2006

We share the critical mind about the decolonization of Library & Information Science(LIS) and Political Science in Korea. We did a bibliographical study on the decolonization discourse in the Political Science of Korea. Concretely, we traced the decolonization discourse of the scholars of the Political Science in Korea, and wrote their abstracts. Finally, this study provided the general view of their decolonization discourse. This study covers the decolonization discourse from 1945 to 2005. This bibliographical review may show the possibility of communication between LIS and social sciences in Korea, and can support the development of the decolonization discourse in the Political Science of Korea.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.56 no.2
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• pp.255-276
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• 2010

Despite some critics' efforts to highlight Shelley's political fruitfulness, they tend to disregard meaningful differences that Shelley has from other Jacobin radicals of his times. Accordingly, the critics tackle his apparent incoherence revealed in A Philosophical View of Reform; the first two sections contain a keen insight into the socio-political injustice prevalent in Britain and the reasons behind it, while the third section withdraws from the previous radical position and settles with a moderate electorate reform. This paper argues that recent developments in post-structuralist and post-Marxist theory help to clearly assess Shelley's political position. Emphasizing that the Jacobin concept of revolution is incompatible with the plurality and opening which a radical democracy requires, post-marxists such as Ernest Laclau and Chantal Mouffee claim that a more viable form of political resistance is to expose repression and force involved in hegemonic articulations. For them, dislocation, a distabilization of a discourse that results from the emergence of events which cannot be domesticated, symbolized, or integrated within the discourse, opens up the possibility of freedom for agents. A Philosophical View of Reform is an attempt to dislocate the discourses of monarchy and paper money by exposing their social and historical constructiveness and their repressive exclusion of alternative discourses. The political goal of this essay is to awaken subjects within a hegemonic structure by decentering the structure and to make them act by stimulating new discoursive constructions.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.237-260
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• 2009

This article deals with the problem, of wether the change of party discourse influences the change of the political finance system and the change of political finance system again effects the political discourse. The political finance and state funding system for parties in Germany is a product of political debate and conflict from the 1960's to th 1990's. The introduction of the state funding system faced critical public opinion at the beginning, and the German parties have initiated a discourse building process as the initiator role and major actor. The state funding system for parties has changed three times and shows, how the constitutional interpretation became dominant in parliament and the constitutional court, which considers a party as a fundamental and essential institution in a democratic system.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.20-43
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• 2017

While the Internet has been used to galvanise people for the collective good, many have voiced concerns over the noise and vitriol present online and polarisation. In Singapore where the government regulates traditional mainstream media such as print and broadcast, the online space has been described as a "Wild Wild West" rife with rumours, untruths and misinformation. Such developments do not only exert a potential negative effect on the deliberative nature of public discourse but also skew bias towards the online space, affecting the ability of online users to communicate with authority and power. This study seeks to examine the rationality of the cyberspace through using a new "rationality" framework to analyse political discourse online. Comprising objectivity, emotionality and partisanship, the rationality framework was applied to a content analysis of 197 blogs with political content in 2014. The analysis indicated that the online political space was not the Wild Wild West that it was touted to be with significant levels of objectivity and non-partisanship. There was a stark absence of emotional discourse, and relationships were observed between bloggers' anonymity and rationality. Cognisant of academia's and policymakers' interest on the quality and effects of online discourse, the proposed analytical framework and the study findings hold implications for both developed and developing countries.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.63 no.1
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• pp.56-63
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• 2013

This study provides comparative analysis on the parodying of the body and political powers in the traditional animation and Shrek Series based on the discourse of Foucault. For the research, parody theories and Foucault's discourse were reviewed through the literature study, and Shrek Series was analyzed through positive study. The Shrek Series overturned stereotypes of the traditional animation by means of parody, especially showing a true body and a political power in the post-modern society. Foucault focused on the body and newly changed political power in the post-modern society. A body was changed into resistant and combative forms rather than obedient and submissive under control of the community power. In addition, political power was changed into relationship-oriented, decentralized and creative power rather than the centralized and class-based. In the traditional fairy tales, heroes and heroines are beautiful and perfect characters who obtain wealth and honor and live a happy life forever. However, heros and heroines in the Shrek Series are not attractive and do not have the ideal body shape, but rather have creative and active personalities and show indifference towards wealth and honor. Furthermore, their dress colors show the change into lower value and higher chroma. The Shrek Series is a future-oriented animation which created a fluid body and a creative political power in the post-modern society.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.58
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• pp.130-153
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• 2012

The purpose of this study is to examine how the $Dong-A$ $Ilbo$, a prevailing newspaper in Korea, has constructed 5.18 discourse. In the last thirty years or so in Korea, '5.18(the Gwangju Democratization Movement)', in both academic and social realm, has been one of the most disputed issues in the process of political change. However, little attention has been given to this topic in the field of communication study. Thus, we attempted to illuminate the construction of 5.18 dicourse by using terms analysis and discourse analysis of editorials during the period of May 18, 1980-December 31, 2010. From the study, it is found that the use of terms has changed from 'crisis' through 'resistance', 'slaughter', 'revolt' to 'democratization movement' in the $Dong-A$ $Ilbo$. And it is also found that 5.18 discourse has been developed in the order of 'tragic incident discourse', 'truth investigation discourse', 'rehabilitation discourse', 'deferment discourse', 'punishment discourse', 'political strife discourse' in the editorials of the $Dong-A$ $Ilbo$. These shifts of terms and discourse have been mostly led by socio-political changes. Based on the research results, the central characteristics of 5.18 discourse of the Korean mainstream press were elaborated and the implications of the results were discussed.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.48
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• pp.25-45
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• 2009

The convergence of broadcasting & telecommunication is not a reality by itself, but recognized as a reality by the discourse which defines and explains it. It is the premise from which this article aims at studying how the discourse on the broadcasting-telecommunication convergence is formed, practised and transformed. This study compares the case of France with the case of Korea in order to show how the same discourse can engender different consequences and evolve in a different way in different socio-political situations. The discourse of the convergence was born as a scientific knowledge in the reports of the European Commission and OECD, and accepted as an important object generating social debates. Then, the discourse faces the resistance of pre-existent discourses in France, while it spreads without clash in South Korea. The French discourse results in a horizontal regulation of contents and networks, while the Korean discourse creates a unique regulator for both traditionally distinguished sectors. Finally, unlike France, the scientific discourse of the convergence in South Korea is transformed into even a political, imaginary or utopian discourse.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.601-623
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• 2014

This paper is to analyze critically policy and discourse of creative economy and creative city. Applying the concept of 'policy transfer' or 'policy mobility', It points out that it may be inevitable for a certain policy or discourse developed in Western society to change its contents and characteristics in its international diffusing process. And then, this paper describes political contexts and process in which the policy and discourse of creative city of a former mayor of Seoul, Oh, Se-Hoon, during the late part of the 2000s, and those of creative economy of the current president, Park, Geun-Hye, have been suggested and pursued, arguing that those policies and discourses, having been distorted and lack of concrete contents, have functioned as a key ruling tool or political rhetoric. In particular, this paper concludes that the policy and discourse of creative economy of the current government would have little positive effect due to excluding intentionally policy of economic democracy and ignoring unintentionally policy of creative city, which seem to have an inherent relationship with that of creative economy.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.90-117
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• 2019

How is science advice integrated in environmental policymaking? This is an increasingly pertinent question that is being raised since the nuclear catastrophe of Fukushima, Japan, in 2011. Global re-evaluation of energy policies and climate mitigation measures include discussions on how to better integrate science advice in policymaking, and at the same time keeping science independent from political influence. This paper addressed the policy discourse of setting up a national CO2 reduction target in Japanese policymaking between 2009 and 2012. The target proposed by the former DPJ government was turned down, and Japan lacked a clear strategy for long-term climate mitigation. The analysis provides explanations from a quantitative actor-network perspective. Centrality measures from social network analysis for policy actors in an environmental policy network of Japan were calculated to identify those actors that control the discourse. Data used for analysis comes from the Global Environmental Policy Actor Network 2 (GEPON 2) survey conducted in Japan (2012-13). Science advice in Japan was kept independent from political influence and was mostly excluded from policymaking. One of the two largest discourse coalitions in the environmental policy network promoted a higher CO2 reduction target for international negotiations but favored lowering the target after a new international agreement would have been set. This may explain why Japan struggled to commit to long-term mitigation strategies. Applying social network analysis to quantitatively calculate discourse coalitions was a feasible methodology for investigating "discursive power." But limited in discussing the "practice" (e.g. meetings, telephone, or email conversations) among the actors in discourse coalitions.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.8 no.4
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• pp.493-497
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• 2020