• 한국시스템다이내믹스연구
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• 제12권3호
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• pp.47-66
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• 2011

South Korea has achieved remarkable social and economic development together with the process of democratization over the past 20 years. In the democratic process in South Korea, ordinary people have actively participated in conventional political activities such as elections. But recently, one of the salient phenomena is that the public have been showing political apathy associated with a light poll. Especially, the most serious concern in the political environment of South Korea is that young voters (e.g., 20-30s) have serious political apathy leading to low voter turnout. Regarding this concern, many political scientists argued that this political phenomenon is not only the case in South Korea, insisting that many consolidated democratic countries such as European countries and the US have the same problems. However, South Korea has contained different factors (e.g., historical, culture, social, and political differences) leading to political apathy and light poll. Unfortunately, no one has clearly explain the phenomenon. In fact, in order for scholars to understand and explain these concerns, they should carefully look at the phenomenon with diverse perspectives and approaches. The main purpose of this paper is to explain why the digital generation has political apathy and are reluctant to participate in political activities such as voting. Using causal loop analysis which is based on systematic thinking, we not only analyzed the pattern of the digital generation' political participation with regard to diverse perspectives, but also attempted to draw new political implications from the analysis. Based on our analysis, we tried to suggest some implications for political stability and development in South Korea in the future.

• 영어영문학
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• 제56권2호
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• pp.255-276
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• 2010

Despite some critics' efforts to highlight Shelley's political fruitfulness, they tend to disregard meaningful differences that Shelley has from other Jacobin radicals of his times. Accordingly, the critics tackle his apparent incoherence revealed in A Philosophical View of Reform; the first two sections contain a keen insight into the socio-political injustice prevalent in Britain and the reasons behind it, while the third section withdraws from the previous radical position and settles with a moderate electorate reform. This paper argues that recent developments in post-structuralist and post-Marxist theory help to clearly assess Shelley's political position. Emphasizing that the Jacobin concept of revolution is incompatible with the plurality and opening which a radical democracy requires, post-marxists such as Ernest Laclau and Chantal Mouffee claim that a more viable form of political resistance is to expose repression and force involved in hegemonic articulations. For them, dislocation, a distabilization of a discourse that results from the emergence of events which cannot be domesticated, symbolized, or integrated within the discourse, opens up the possibility of freedom for agents. A Philosophical View of Reform is an attempt to dislocate the discourses of monarchy and paper money by exposing their social and historical constructiveness and their repressive exclusion of alternative discourses. The political goal of this essay is to awaken subjects within a hegemonic structure by decentering the structure and to make them act by stimulating new discoursive constructions.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제27권1호
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• pp.53-94
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• 2017

타이 정치체제가 관료적 정체(bureaucratic polity) 혹은 반민주주의(semi-democracy)로 회귀하였다고 얘기된다. 그러나 이와 같은 시각은 국왕의 자문기구인 추밀원(Privy Council)의 정치적 개입을 제대로 드러내지 못한다. 이러한 맥락에서 이 논문은 근대적 절대군주제라는 분석적 개념을 통해 타이식 입헌군주제의 독특한 특징을 밝히고 있다. 요컨대 '네트워크 정치'(network politics)에 기반하는 타이식 입헌군주제(Thai way of constitutional monarchy)는 "국왕은 군림하되 통치하지 않는다"라는 규범에 토대한 전형적인 입헌군주제와 배치된다. 이는 타이 국왕이 실제로는 정치 위에 있는 것이 아니라 정치 안에 있음을, 또 정치적 갈등을 해결하고 군주제를 보위하기 위해 다양한 방식으로 정치에 개입하였음을 의미한다. 이 과정에서 국왕은 불교의 교리를 실천하는 반인반신이자 국가통합의 중심으로 추앙되었다. 심지어 왕실이 관여된 1976년 10월 6일 유혈참사 이후에도 국왕의 신성한 지위는 도전을 받지 않았고 국왕모독죄는 더욱 가혹한 처벌을 받게 되었다. 그 이후 국왕모독죄는 군부 쿠태타의 주된 명분이 되었다. 특히 군주 네트워크와 근대화 과정에서 성장한 탁신 네트워크에 기반한 부르주아 정체 간의 대격돌로부터 야기된 2006년 쿠테타와 이후 친탁신계 정부를 전복한 2014년 쿠테타를 계기로 국왕모독죄 사례가 급증하였다. 관료적 정체, 반민주주의, 민주주의를 포괄하는 타이에서의 근대적 절대군주제는 군부, 지식인, 민주당, 심지어 일부 시민사회조직들로부터 지지를 받는 국왕모독죄에 의해 지지되고 있다.

• 한국철학논집
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• 제54호
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• pp.243-272
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• 2017

본 논문은 전통교육의 현대화에 부합하는 교육모델의 구성원리 및 민주적 시민성 강화를 위한 핵심역량 및 교육 방안을 적극 모색하였다. 궁극적으로 민주적 시민성 교육과 정치교육 프로그램의 취지에 부합하는 전통적 가치와 교육 내용, 방식 등을 추출하여 재구성하여 교육현장에 적용하고자 한다. 이를 위해 온고지신 교육체계의 구성과 운영 원리 및 주체의 역할, 수업 방식, 기대 효과 등을 체계적으로 검토하면서 전통교육의 현대화를 통해 덕스러운 민주시민성을 함양할 수 있는 교육모델과 수업 모형의 원리를 구성하였다. 보다 구체적으로, 공동체적 덕성과 민주적인 시민성 함양을 위해 지금의 교육현실의 문제점을 지양하고 교육담론과 실천을 발전시키며 동서양의 융합적인 교육활동과 실천적 수업프로그램을 구성함으로써 현대적 선비의 지적 인성적 체화를 함양하려 하였다. 이를 위해 현대적 맥락과 환경 속에서 전통과 현실에 새로운 가치와 의미를 던져줄 수 있는 전통교육의 '어떤 점'을 '어떻게' 현대화시킬 것인지를 검토하였고 학생들이 시민사회에서 민주적 주체성을 가진 선비가 될 수 있는 수업모델의 설계 방향을 제시하였다.

• 한국사회복지학
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• 제49권
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• pp.264-295
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• 2002

This study aims to identify the enactment factors of the National Basic Livelihood Institution in context of policy making process by using Kingdon's policy Stream Model. The findings of this study can be summarized as follows. First, an economic crisis has worsened social problems, and the president Kim Dae-jung recognized these problems as serious and worried about social confusion and polarization. Second, NGOs as like People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy put efforts into enacting the Act. Also, the president Kim's government faced a series of political crisis and needed political solution including foundation of a new party, which considered social welfare most important. Third, the PSPD designed the Act. But the alternatives of related government ministries were not selected. In conclusion, the National Basic Livelihood Institution was enacted by the combination of these three factors stream. Especially the political stream was strongest.

• 수완나부미
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• 제15권2호
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• pp.245-270
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• 2023

Many publications of ecocritical research papers and translations of ecocriticism occur in Vietnam in recent years. This paper examines ecocritical scholarly writing in Vietnam, understanding how it corresponds to-reflects and attends to-contemporary Vietnamese society and politics. Specifically, this paper contextualizes Vietnamese ecocriticism in contemporary social and political concerns-embodied in journalistic and administrative documents-about the modernity-oriented postcolonial nation-building of Vietnam. In revealing critiques of political and social degenerations implied in ecocritical writings in Vietnam, this paper suggests that the emergence of ecocriticism in present-day Vietnam indicates a recent "political turn." More importantly, such emergence reflects and engages with the continuing Marxist perspective of literature as an instrument for social criticism and cultural revolution in Vietnam. Vietnamese ecocritics bear the mission of prophets of the time, public educators, and soul engineers, writing is an act of engaging with and influencing reality. Writing (literary and scholarly) still forms an idealized ideological instrument in the struggles for national homogeneity and sovereignty and social democracy in present-day Vietnam.

• 영어어문교육
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• 제9권spc호
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• pp.167-184
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• 2003

This paper is to analyze how Walt Whitman developed the theme and structure of Leaves of Grass with his ideal of democratic vistas. Whitman established his identity as an inspired poet, having faith in the divinity of man based on transcendental belief. After being awakened to the transcendental truth, he practiced his own common world view--his democratic vistas. Whitman searched for the unity with nature and identified his self with "common man and his nation." The poetry expresses "cosmological and national ideology" dedicated to the creation of an ideal nation united in eternal freedom and peace. By portraying common cosmic and national theme in terms of his individual personality, he brought various paradoxical and controversial ideas into one thing, namely "democracy", fusing diversity into unity. As in the symbol of the grass, there is a unity in variety reflected by democracy in a cosmological and political compound. With the form of free verse, he could express his liberal unrestrained and mystical thoughts of democracy. This new form has been associated with the poet's strong consciousness of the need for modernization in his country. He willingly assumed "the role of prophet and public voice for American democrat" with the rolling catalogues and I-persona which formed a sense of the common man and common things of America. Whitman pioneered a democrat literature with simple and dynamic tone and style. He successively pursued the democratic vistas in his Leaves of Grass.

• 비교문화연구
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• 제24권
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• pp.147-156
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• 2011

A brief consultation of English Arabic dictionaries and encyclopedias shows that there is no one single standard Arabic translation of the English concept 'democracy'. Arab authors use, instead, a series of multiple terms that need clarification if the first term is to be clear. In many cases, they tend to localize the term into Arabic using various orthographic forms; at other times, they run a rather lengthy analysis to elucidate the concept that seems to be an essentially contested term. This paper aims to inquire into the reasons for the confusion and inconsistency in the translation of the concept 'democracy', as well as the underlying arguments for advocating the localization rather than translation of this political concept. This will be followed by a discussion of the implications of this study for lexicographers and translators. Given the fact that ideology is of non-Arabic origin, English perceptions of this fluid concept might help account for its lack of clarity in Arabic translations since Arabic is highly influenced by English in various spheres of life. It would thus be wise first to check the perceptivity of English authors of the concept. To better serve the purpose of this study, the author distinguishes here between 'translation' and so-called 'localization'. The term 'translation' is concerned with finding an existing term in the target language with an equivalent meaning for a foreign word, whereas localization involves taking the foreign term and making it linguistically and culturally appropriate to the target language, by subjecting it to the morphological and syntactic rules of Arabic to be used as if it were originally Arabic.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제27권1호
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• pp.193-219
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• 2017

캄보디아의 2016년은 민주주의가 퇴행을 거듭한 한 해였다. 집권당의 권력 독점을 위한 정치공작과 탄압이 점차 교묘한 수준으로 진화하며 의회정치와 시민사회를 옥죄며 민주주의를 퇴행시켰다. 한편 표심을 얻기 위한 시혜성 정책들과 이를 뒷받침하는 후원-수혜 관계의 정치구조는 더욱 고착화되어갔다. 캄보디아 경제는 2016년 한 해 대체로 성장세를 유지했지만 대내외 여건이 악화되면서 기형적 경제구조 속에 내재된 문제점들이 서서히 노출되며 심각한 경고를 보내고 있다. 국제관계에서 가장 두드러진 부분은 탈월입중(脫越入中)의 형세를 이룬 것이다. 하지만 노골적인 친 중국 노선은 동시에 베트남과의 갈등, 나아가 아세안 내부에 심각한 파열음을 일으킬 수 있는 요인을 배태하였다.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제22권
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• pp.39-75
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• 2003

이 글은 베네주엘라, 이탈리아, 영국을 사례로 하여 언론권력의 존재 여부를 조사 하는 것이 목적이다. 언론권력은 매체경제력 지배, 국가권력에 대한 영향력, 매체인력의 통제를 배경으로 여론과 시장을 지배한다. 이들 세 나라는 강력한 매체 경제력을 가진 언론권력이 존재하고 있다. 이탈리아의 경우는 아예 언론권력이 정치권력을 장악하였으며, 베네주엘라는 사영방송이 기업과 노조를 선동하여 합법적인 정권을 군사 쿠데타로 붕괴시키는데 앞장섰다. 영국에서는 루퍼트 머독이 소유하는 뉴스 인터내셔널사가 일간지, 주간지, 위성방송을 겸영하여 시장 지배자가 된 이래 정권의 향방에 상당한 영향을 끼치고, 국가 정책을 좌지우지 하는 힘을 행사한다. 이 연구는 한국에서도 문제가 되고 있는 언론권력의 본질을 파악함으로써 언론개혁의 기본 자료로서 이용될 수도 있을 것이다.