• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.131-161
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• 2017

The political dynamics of Malaysia in 2016 should be seen as a process of losing an political opportunity mainly due to the split in opposition parties. The opportunity for political development was triggered by the ruling party in crisis. The ongoing 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) scandal involving the Prime Minister Najib Razak would have provided a favorable condition for the transfer of power. The opposition parties have however failed to utilize the chance that has arisen since the general elections in 2008 and 2013 due to the chronic problem of disunity. It can be seen as distortions of political development referring to a phenomenon in which a chance for regime change formed by the crisis in authoritarian regime is distorted by internal conflicts among opposition parties. Malaysia's political turmoil seemed to paralyze its economy while foreign policy was used as a tool for domestic politics. It was reported that the key economic indicator have worsen including exports and budget deficit. The ringgit had dropped to its lowest level since the economic crisis in 1997-98 which was mainly attributed to diminishing credibility on the Najib's administration. Najib's political struggle has also impeded Malaysia's foreign policy which has attempt to embrace China and the Rohingya issue. The chance to manage key risks would be diminished if oppositions' disunity continues as there is speculation that the general election could be held in 2017.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.57 no.2
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• pp.265-284
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• 2011

This paper examines how Sedgwick makes a political allegory of founding the nation in domestic terms in The Linwoods (1835). Set in the Revolutionary period, The Linwoods is a historical fiction reconstructed by the writer in order to diagnose currently controversial issues. In this aspect, Sedgwick's interest in history is genealogical in Foucaudian sense. Foucault's genealogical method provides a way of recuperating a part of history hidden, submerged, obliterated by the official history. Seen in a genealogical perspective, the story of the Linwoods can be viewed as a political allegory in order to explore political conflicts of Sedgwick's own day. Faced with the threat of national disunion presented in the Nullification Crisis of sectional conflicts and divisions, Sedgwick attempts to provide a fictional solution to the first serious challenge to the U. S. Constitution. Going back to the times around the American Revolution, Sedgwick emphasizes how strenuously the American Constitution of America was formed as the outcome of the war against the tyranny of Britain, and how the Union was made on the basis of the cooperation between the States. By posing a contrast of political positions between family members, Sedgwick imagines a family/nation that allows diverse political positions. The conclusion of a diversity of marriages between man and woman who agree to be united after overcoming their differences in political affiliations seems to show her conservative proclivity to support the Union. However, by emphasizing the principles of freedom and equality represented by the significant role of Isabella and Rose, an African-American slave, in the victory of the American Revolution, Sedgwick also supports the spirit of the Jacksonian American democracy.

• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.1-13
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• 2023

Being one of the first and hardest hit countries by the coronavirus, Iran still continues to preserve its place among nations with the highest rates of infection and COVID-19 related deaths. While on the surface, such worrying status evinces the failure of the authorities in handling the crisis, at deeper levels, it points to the fundamentalist nature of the government and political system of the country. In this view, the current devastating condition in Iran is a clear indication of the all-out influence of the Islamic regime's ideologies on officials' decision-making and their political agendas throughout the pandemic. Accordingly, the staterun mainstream media, as the most preeminent institution of power, have been incessantly engaged in disseminating a series of ideology-laden information around the issues concerning the coronavirus, and in line with the developing political discourses during pandemic. Far from being based on factual accounts or scientific facts, these disseminated messages inevitably grew into a source of disinformation, ultimately resulting in overall public confusion and skepticism. Through examining the data gathered from some of the most prominent online news agencies run by the government, this study identifies five major discursive trends through which the mainstream media propagated ambiguous and manipulative information about COVID-19. These findings are then explained in the light of media system dependency theory, leading to the argument that within autocratic nation-states, public reliance on media during a national/global crisis brings about new opportunities for state exploitation, and further distressing consequences for the people.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.29-61
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• 2019

Within the discipline of International Relations (IR), the literatures on global governance (GG) and great power management (GPM) at best ignore each other, and at worst treat the other as a rival or enemy. On the one hand, the GPM literature, like both realism in all its forms, and neoliberalism, takes for granted the ongoing, disproportionate influence of the great powers in the management of the international system/society, and does not look much beyond that. On the other hand, the GG literature emphasizes the roles of smaller states, non-state actors and intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), and tends to see great powers more as part of the problem than as part of the solution. This paper argues that the rise to prominence of a non-traditional security agenda, and particularly of human security, has triggered a de facto merger of GPM and GG that the IR literature usually treated as separate and often opposed theories. We use the Ebola crisis of 2014-15 to show how an issue framed as human security brought about a multi-actor response that combined the key elements of GPM and GG. The security framing overrode many of the usual inhibitions between great powers and non-state actors in humanitarian crises, including even the involvement of great power military forces. Through examining broadly the way in which the Ebola crisis is tackled, we argue that in an age of growing human security challenges, GPM and GG are necessarily and fruitfully merging. The role of great powers in this new human security environment is moving away from the simple means and ends of traditional GPM. Now, great powers require the ability to cooperate and coordinate with multiple-level actors to make the GG/GPM nexus more effective and sustainable. In doing so they can both provide crucial resources quickly, and earn respect and status as responsible great powers. IGOs provide legitimation and coordination to the GPM/GG package, and non-state actors (NSAs) provide information, specialist knowledge and personnel, and links into public engagement. In this way, the unique features of the Ebola crisis provide a model for how the merger of GPM and GG might be taken forward on other shared-fate threats facing global international society.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.29
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• pp.189-231
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• 2005

This study examined image restoration strategies of political parties regarding the Presidential impeachment In Korea. The analytic framework of this study was Benoit's rhetorical theory of image restoration strategies. Results showed that both Hanara Party and Minju Party used attack accuser as a major image restoration strategy. However, Hanara Party changed their strategies from attack accuser to future oriented. Thus, Hanara Party's image restoration strategy successfully applied Coombs theory, which future oriented strategy was good for an organization of the high responsibility in the context of crisis situation.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Navigation
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.65-75
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• 1982

During the last decade the world had experienced oil crisis twice: the first one was the fourfold jump in oil prices in 1973 and 1974, the second one came in 1979 with 2.6 times price hike. The current crude oil prices stand around the level of $30 a barrel. The first reaction came quick, with reduced oil consumption and a general decline in economic activity. Furthermore, the second oil crisis has brought about tremendous and varied impacts upon the shipping industry, which is now undergoing an adaptation process to the changing environments. This article is divided into five chapters: chapter I is the introduction on the subject under examination; chapter II is devoted to the trends of the seaborne trade cargoes after the oil crisis; chapter III reveals the impact of the oil price hike on ships and their desion; chapter IV deals with the challenges shipping enterprises face in terms fo economic modus operandi and new international political environments; chapter V sets forth conclusion.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.31-43
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• 2017

The situation in Korean peninsula, globally and regionally, which followed the global huge uncertainty, changed a lot. Because of the political crisis, ROK falls into a chaos. And DPRK goes into a policy changing period by the internal issues, international sanctions and assassination accident in Malaysia, which is confirmed to be DPRK's Supreme leader, Kim Jong Un's half brother. Under this changing circumstances, the perspectives of regarding China and the Korean peninsula, must be undated accordingly. Only by understanding the Sino-US relations, the DPRK nuclear issue and the regional dilemmas can we formulate reasonable policies to contribute to the peace and stability of the Korean Peninsula.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.567-584
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• 2014

This paper attempts to analyze labor politics under the Kim Young-Sam regime. The labor politics transformed from conflictual pluralism to social partnership. The transition was triggered by the 'IMF economic crisis,' and the transitional direction was determined by the character of political regime and the pattern of social coalitions. These findings imply that the transitional direction of labor politics is not determined by an economic crisis or international pressure, but by the relational dynamics of social coalitions forcing social actors to new perception and strategic choice.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.143-148
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• 2022

The subject of this paper is the practical examples of technoculture that critically thinks network technology, a strong material foundation in the era of data capitalism in the 21st century, and appropriates its socio-cultural metaphor as an artistic potential. In order to analyze its alternatives and the meaning of cultural politics, this paper examines the properties and influence of data capitalism after the 2008 global financial crisis, and the cultural and artistic context formed by its reaction. The first case considered in this paper, Furtherfield's workshop, provided a useful example of how citizens can participate in social change through learning and education in which art and technology are interrelated. The second case, Greek hackerspace HSGR, developed network technology as a tool to overcome the crisis by proposing a new progressive cultural commons due to Greece's financial crisis caused by the global financial crisis and a decrease in the state's creative support. The third case, Paolo Cirio's project, promoted a critical citizenship towards the state and community systems as dominant types of social governance. These technoculture cases can be evaluated as efforts to combine and rediscover progressive political ideology and its artistic realization tradition in the context of cultural politics, paying attention to the possibility of signifying practices of network technology that dominates the contemporary economic system.

• Hwankyungkyoyuk
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.1-18
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• 2001

The purpose of this study is to research new paradigms of environmental ethics and environmental ethics education to overcome ecological crisis and to develop an alternative model of systematic environmental ethics education for establishing eco-centred life values. According to deep ecologists, they assert the necessity of basic reorientation of crucial components of present political, economic and social orders to overcome ecological crisis today. This means the movement from the mechanistic worldview to the ecological worldview and the shift from Dominant Social Paradigm(DSP) to New Ecological Paradigm(NEP). Environmental ethics education should be 'eco-centred environmental ethics education'which makes some contribution to overcome ecological crisis and to create new alternatives. Also it should be not a simple behavior change but 'eco-centred environmental ethics education', what is called, as 'ecological literacy education'which changes the views of values, thoughts and attitudes etc. In this, as a new social curriculum, 'ecological literacy education'means to cultivate the ability which can recognize environmental problems correctly and to overcome ecological crisis wisely we face with today. To perform this ecological environmental ethics education, we suggested 'eco-centred life values', we place a criterion of moral value judgment according to 'ecological conscience'on 'life', and we presented 'an alternative model of environmental ethics education' giving consideration to human being, nature and environment at the same time.