• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.18-34
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• 2020

This study aims to investigate Dongdaemun fashion industry once thrived in Seoul, now in a rapid decline. For this purpose, three research themes are put forward. That is, to fix the boundary of Dongdaemun fashion industry, to analyze the characteristics of its value chain, production network and industrial agglomeration, and to search for the cause of its decline and to suggest political solutions against it. The following is the findings of this study. Firstly, Dongdaemun fashion industry has spreaded out over the last six decades and now its boundary can be marked within a radius of 10 kilometers of Dongdaemun Market in northeastern Seoul. Secondly, Dongdaemun fashion industry has a buyer-driven chain and star production network, and therefore can be assumed that it is spatially segmented industrial agglomeration. Lastly, its rapid decline is directly from the shrink of market demand on Dondaemun fashion, and inherently in the topological structure of its star production network. Thus the feasible political solutions can be found in that direction. Consequently, these results have academic implications for clearing up some previous studies' misunderstandings and getting over one of the long-criticized research biases that pervades in industrial agglomeration theory, primarily focusing on the successful regions.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Gas
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• v.5 no.4 s.16
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• pp.8-20
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• 2001

Neoliberalism became a catch word of a post-cold war era. It began to develop in the middle of welfare state crisis in developed countries. It promoted both a unified world market through mutual penetration of national boundaries in International scene and maximization of efficiency through market competition in domestic scene. Privatization of public corporations is a major policy to pursue market efficiency through deregulation. Two reasons are often adduced to support the cause The socio-economic changes diminished the necessity to establish public corporation on the one hand. On the other hand gross inefficiency has been observed in the management of public corporation. 'Government failure' is an apt expression of the inefficiency. In analysing the experiences of privatization of utility industries of some other countries we found a couple of lessons for a Korean case. First, it is doubtful if privatization, that is a change in the form of ownership, is a necessary condition for achieving market efficiency. Because it is possible to operate a mechanism of market competition while maintaining competition among public corporations and with private actors. Second, the patron-agent dilemma is often cited as a major culprit of an inefficient management of public corporations. But it is without saying that the dilemma is also found in the management of private firms. So, the issue is not the privatization per se but to realize responsible management through discipline and incentives.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.301-308
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• 2009

This paper studied the scheme to realize the manifesto as the method of resolving the side effects after the introduction of the superintendent's election system, a direct election by local residents, in order to implement participative democracy in the educational field. When the superintendent's election system playing an important role in protecting the identity of a state is intruded by the political logic, ideology or factional interest, it leads to the educational crisis such as the damaged independence of the policy and the like. The local educational autonomous system is the institutional arrangement to secure the independence and neutrality of education based on morality and guarantee the democratization and decentralization of educational administration. The scheme to resolve the corrupt aspect of the election of the superintendent is to lead election to the policy-based election. This paper presents the scheme to realize the manifesto movement of the superintendent's electoral campaign to resolve this side effect. All political agents and candidates should be allowed to make free access to diverse information to draw up the manifesto and raise the reliability of the manifesto itself, be guaranteed neutrality, speciality, objectiveness, fairness and the like. In particular, it can be seen that the core task is whether citizens can be involved in the manifesto movement through a shift in their thinking about educational autonomy.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.105-123
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• 2007

The launching of the Taepo-dong 1 on 31 August 1998 by the North Korea was the first case where the diplomatic protests was made against the flight, the purpose of which, the launching State claimed, consisted in space exploration and use. It is the principle regarding the freedom of space exploration and use, as included in the international treaty, that is relevant in applying the various rules and in defining the legal status of the flight. Its legal status, however, was not actually taken into account, as political negotiations leading to the test moratorium has been successful until present day in freezing the political crisis. This implies that the rules of the law lack the validity and logic sufficient in dictating the conduct of the States. This case shows that, in effect, it is not the rule but the politics that is to govern the status of the flight.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• no.spc
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• pp.87-104
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• 2007

The launching of the Taepo-dong 1 on 31 August 1998 by the North Korea was the first case where the diplomatic protests was made against the flight, the purpose of which, the launching State claimed, consisted in space exploration and use. It is the principle regarding the freedom of space exploration and use, as included in the international treaty, that is relevant in applying the various rules and in defining the legal status of the flight. Its legal status, however, was not actually taken into account, as political negotiations leading to the test moratorium has been successful until present day in freezing the political crisis. This implies that the rules of the law lack the validity and logic sufficient in dictating the conduct of the States. This case shows that, in effect, it is not the rule but the politics that is to govern the status of the flight.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.53
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• pp.155-178
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• 2003

Traditionally, the Sozialdemokratitische Partei Deutschlands(SPD) guards strictly radical welfare conception and intends to support the disabled with universal welfare-political instruments. After the oil-shock in 1973, European welfare states including Germany had experienced stark financial crisis because of economic unstability and increasing social expenditure. The political direction of SPD has been gradually changed. This transformation has been reflected automatically on the welfare policy for the disabled. In Germany, Gerhard Schroeder who leads the SPD governs since 1998. The Schroeder's new conception of welfare policy is known as the Third Way("neue Mitte") that the social economic structure intends to neo-liberalistic trend. The concern on the employment policy for the disabled has grown recently in neo-liberalistic age, but research on German employment policy for the disabled is very limited in quantity and depth. The main purpose of this study is to examine how the employment policy for the disabled of Schroeder-government has been developing in Germany. And this paper evaluates the effect of transforming policy. Based on this evaluation, this paper attempts to manifest the problem of Korean employment policy for the disabled and to find the implications of German model.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.12
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• pp.237-272
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• 2005

This paper aims to research the historical development of the archival systems in the Primorskii Krai of the Russian Federation. The history of the archives in this region might be divided into the three periods. The first period extended from the territorial acquisition of the Far East to 1938, when the international situation reached the crisis. From then to the end of the Second World War the history of the archives of the Primorskii Krai underwent the second period. The third period has ranged from 1945 to the present day. As the imperialistic countries, including England, Germany and Russia, claimed and conquered the lands in China in the last decade of the nineteenth century, the Russian government was forced to produce a lot of records, which resulted in the establishment of the several archival institutions in the Far East region. Although the Soviet government issued "Decree On the Reorganization and Centralization of Archival Affairs in the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic" in 1918, the political turmoils prevented the Primorskii region from constructing the archival system. However, A. P. Georgievskii and his colleagues made desperate efforts to arrange the archival administration. Thanks to their struggles, the Far Eastern Republic, a buffer state, which existed from April 6, 1920 to November 14, 1922, passed the autonomous regulation, which defined the organization of the committee for the archival administration in the Primorskii region. The Primorskii Krai Archive originated from the committee. As the international situation became aggravated in the East Asia, the Soviet government made a decision to evacuate the records from the Far East region to the western Siberian cities like Tomsk, Omsk and Minusinsk. It was on August 1943 that the Central National Archive of the Far East of RSFSR was established in Tomsk. After the end of the Second World War, the main archival institutions of the Primorskii Krai, that is, the Central National Archive of the Far East of RSFSR and the Primoskii Krai Archive have played an important role in the archival administration in this region. The archivists have not only prepared the catalogues, but also proceeded the descriptions of the archival collections. Furthermore, the archival institutions of the Primorskii Krai have published a series of archives and contributed to the development of the archival system in the Far East of the Russian Federation. It might be concluded that the archives of the Primorskii Krai, reaching were the products of the desperate efforts which the archivists of this region made from the 19th century to the present day, regardless of the political changes.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.48
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• pp.169-194
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• 2012

This study is about patriotic poems and patriotism-dominated life of Lu You who lived in the Southern Song Dynasty. Lu You, one of the four greatest poets of the Southern Song Dynasty, left about 9,400 poems, out which the majority of poems described his patriotic spirit amid the nation's existential crisis. Among Lu You's excellent poems, patriotic poems that described worries over the nation and the national people were the most well-made ones. As Lu You was a war hawk who insisted on armed struggle with Jin to recapture political supremacy in the nation, he was persecuted seriously. But, Lu You didn't yield his patriotic will until death and he poeticized his patriotism. While discussing Lu You's patriotism and poetic figuration, this study focused on three large categories of his poems as shown below. The first category was the poems describing his will toward resistance and territorial recapture. The second category was the poems expressing his patriotic sentiment and sorrowful indignation. The third one was the poems symbolizing his patriotism through poetic materials such as dream and drink. Out of the poems in these three categories, the first category poems were deeply related to Lu You's political point of view. The second and third category poems showed his grand ambition and frustration he faced with in reality. In particular, Lu You's Kimongsi (dream-describing poem) that symbolized his patriotism gained great literary achievements.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.161-168
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• 2023

Recently, China-Taiwan relations are facing a crisis, and at the same time, the U.S.-China relationship and the structure of Northeast Asia are greatly shaken, so we should pay attention to changes in cross-strait relations. This study aims to predict how cross-strait relations will change after the party convention by analyzing Xi Jinping's Taiwan policy, focusing on the "Political Report" of the 20th party convention and the content analysis of leadership personnel. The results of the study are as follows. First, as the amendment to the party constitution announced after the closing of the party convention stipulates the possibility of armed invasion, Xi Jinping will implement a tough Taiwan policy emphasizing unification. Second, strategic competition with the United States will continue to intensify in the future when analyzing the contents of Chapters 2, 11, 13, and 14 of the "Political Reporting" and the personnel management of diplomatic and security leadership. As a result, cross-strait relations are expected to show instability for a considerable period of time. Third, at a time when Taiwan rejects the unification plan of "one country, two systems" and the tendency to de-Chineseize is strengthening, there is a possibility that legislation or specific enforcement ordinances will be enacted to strengthen the existing "Anti-Secession Law." Fourth, it is expected that strong and warm two-sided strategies will be used together, such as taking a strong response to external forces interfering with the Taiwan issue and Taiwan independence forces, and using incentives for the Kuomintang(KMT) and Taiwanese who are friendly to unification.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.27-59
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• 2023

This study aims to serve as a critical comparison of the currently controversial 'new cold war' discourse. It took three triggers for the 'new cold war' discourse to emerge as a major issue in the media and academia and to have real political impact. With the launch of China's 'Belt and Road' project and Russia's annexation of Crimea leading to the 'Ukraine crisis,' the 'new cold war' discourse has begun to take shape. Trump's U.S.-China trade spat has brought the 'new cold war' debate to the forefront. The 'new cold war' debate is currently being intensified by the Biden administration's framing of "democracy versus authoritarianism" and Putin's invasion of Ukraine. Currently, there is no consensus among scholars on whether the controversial 'new cold war' is a new version, or a continuation of the historically defined concept of the Cold War. The term 'New Cold War' is less of an analytical concept and more of a topical term that has yet to achieve analytical status, let alone a theoretical validation and systematization, and the related debate remains at the level of assertion or discourse. Through this comparative analysis, I will argue that the ongoing discourse of the 'New Cold War' does not have the instrumental explanatory power to analyze the transitional phenomena of the world order today.