• Journal of architectural history
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• v.11 no.2 s.30
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• pp.7-22
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• 2002

Architectural style is said to be product reflecting political, social and cultural condition. Especially, in colony, architectural style is strongly related to political condition or policy. After colonization in 1910, public buildings with western historical architectural style in Japanese version were widely built by Japanese colonial government in Korea. And in the late 1920s, modernism style in architecture became dominant in Korea as like other countries. In this situation, curious buildings in strange architectural styles came out. One example is railroad station buildings with traditional Korean architectural style and timber house station having a steep roof which is widely used in North Europe such as Alps area with good sights and mountains. Generally, the colonizer says that colonization is the only way to save the colony at crisis defined by colonizer and they insist that they can help the colony modernize. To justify colonization, the colonizer attributes the colonization to the characteristics of the nation and stagnation of the traditional culture etc.. Accordingly, the colonizer tries to depreciate colony's traditional value and culture. In case of colony which has similar cultural background historically (in this case, economical exploitation is less important than other Asian colony by European power), this depreciation of traditional value and culture in Korea was done more strongly than others. At this time, we should understand special relation between Korea and Japan historically. Even though, colony's locality is adopted by the colonizer in public fields, which is based on political purpose or exotic taste etc.. In early days of Japanese ruling period, Japan never use the Korean traditional facts in public. Therefore there is no use of Korean traditional architectural style in public field. In late 1920s, some railroad station buildings were constructed in new styles without precedence in modern Korea. One is railroad station buildings in Korean traditional architectural style, the other is railroad station buildings in timber house stations having a steep roof which is different form western historical architectural style. It was mystery that Japan had constructed railroad stations in Korean traditional style which Japan had tried to destroy together with Western style railroad station buildings. This paper is made to solve the mystery why the colonizer(Japan) constructed entirely different types of railroad stations at the same time in the late 1920s and 1930s. The key point to solve this mystery is tourism. In this paper, to solve this mystery, I try to use terminology' 'Colonial Tourism' in architecture why colonial power had constructed railroad stations with colony's traditional architectural style and Western style having a steep roof which can be seen north European region.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.189-224
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• 2017

The case of 'Paik Jong-moon's Taped Conversation,' has presented "an important and serious challenge to the freedom of the press and democracy" in South Korea. Nevertheless, this case has not been reported by the mainstream news media. It has also been forgotten without a proper fact-finding or investigation by regulatory agencies, like The Foundation for Broadcast Culture, The Korea Communications Commission, or The National Assembly. This study aims to examine why the above has happened through in-depth interviews of reporters and TV producers, senior journalists, former and incumbent commissioners of the broadcasting regulatory agencies, and experts of the industry, as well as literature research. Here, I present three answers. First, I found two reasons the mainstream press has ignored this incident. 1) It serves for political interests instead of reporting truth. 2) Public broadcasters' watchdog role has been neutralized. Second, regulatory agencies like The Foundation for Broadcast Culture, The Korea Communications Commission and The National Assembly are ruled by political tribalism. The ruling party's members of the National Assembly and these agencies were reluctant to investigate allegations surrounding Paik Jong-moon, such as illegal dismissals, illegal intervention in programming or production, illegal recruitment and illegal business deals. That's because they considered CEO Paik an ally. Using their majority power, they have rejected the request from opposition-affiliated commissioners or from opposition lawmakers to investigate the allegations. Third, there were no alternative forces within the public broadcasters to unveil the truth. In conclusion, the legal and institutional shake-up of corporate governance is urgently needed for public broadcasters and broadcasting regulatory agencies.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.58
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• pp.130-153
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• 2012

The purpose of this study is to examine how the $Dong-A$ $Ilbo$, a prevailing newspaper in Korea, has constructed 5.18 discourse. In the last thirty years or so in Korea, '5.18(the Gwangju Democratization Movement)', in both academic and social realm, has been one of the most disputed issues in the process of political change. However, little attention has been given to this topic in the field of communication study. Thus, we attempted to illuminate the construction of 5.18 dicourse by using terms analysis and discourse analysis of editorials during the period of May 18, 1980-December 31, 2010. From the study, it is found that the use of terms has changed from 'crisis' through 'resistance', 'slaughter', 'revolt' to 'democratization movement' in the $Dong-A$ $Ilbo$. And it is also found that 5.18 discourse has been developed in the order of 'tragic incident discourse', 'truth investigation discourse', 'rehabilitation discourse', 'deferment discourse', 'punishment discourse', 'political strife discourse' in the editorials of the $Dong-A$ $Ilbo$. These shifts of terms and discourse have been mostly led by socio-political changes. Based on the research results, the central characteristics of 5.18 discourse of the Korean mainstream press were elaborated and the implications of the results were discussed.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.74
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• pp.177-196
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• 2015

This paper aims to plan a new research program on the parallel relationship between Korean press and political power, by providing concepts on the mode of existence of professional journalists in Korea. In the midst of the economic crisis of Korean journalism, relative deteriorisation in the political democracy and the liberty of press, and changes in news ecosystem due to the revolution of digital news, the status of professional journalists is at stake. In these circumstances, this paper argues that many existing researches on journalistic professionalism need to be reconstructed in the perspective of professional project. It enables, first of all, an evaluation on actual issues of professional journalists from the actor perspective, i.e. economic interests, social closure, regulative bargain with the authority. Secondly, concerning decoupling phenomenon of journalism and democracy which became salient in the contemporary society, this study raises a necessity to create new logical relations around concepts of journalist professionalism. And we will find, in this situation, a beginning of new evaluation on the mode of existence of professional journalists, that has been possibly developped within the old, assymetric relationship between State-press. And finally, this study proposes to consider a category of professional journalists as a vehicle that helps to conceptualize the old, parallel relationship between Korean press and political power.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.4 no.2 s.8
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• pp.1-32
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• 2004

Korean scientific community has recently argued that, in order to attract talented young people to the science and engineering fields, more ranking positions in the governmental office should be filled in by science and engineering majors. In this context, a special attention has been paid to the Chinese case where science and engineering majors have taken the highest places in Chinese political hierarchy. This paper examines historical and social background of the salience of science and engineering fields in modem China. A closer examination shows that the salience of science and engineering fields was resulted by the distinct historical experiences of China-the socialist reform of higher education system and Cultural Revolution. The former shaped the social conviction that humanities and social sciences are less useful than science and engineering fields. The latter even spread the idea that majoring in humanities or social sciences run the risk of political oppressions. Thus, the salience of science and engineering in China is a social phenomenon reflecting an academic hierarchy forced by the radical politics of modem China. Also, the higher proportion of science and engineering majors in the raking governmental officers has been resulted by a unique Chinese political system, in particular the personnel management system of the Chinese Communist Party that emphasizes practical experiences after college graduation. The comparison of the social position of science and engineering majors in China and Korea without taking account of such historical and social background may therefore mislead our understanding of the cause of and counterplan to the decreasing popularity of science and engineering fields in Korean universities.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.31-54
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• 2011

This study investigates the nature of the welfare state under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime focusing on participatory democracy in the policy decision making procedure for the National Health Insurance. Participatory democracy was introduced not for the qualitative development of Korean democracy but for securing political legitimacy to change the Korean economic structure after the IMF financial crisis. Although participatory democracy played the positive role in winning higher benefit level in National Health Insurance. an index for the development of the welfare state, in 2007 A policy of higher benefit level ended in failure because of the pursuit of the neoliberal ideology, lack of government's responsibility for public finance, and thwarting policy holders' substantial participation in the decision-making process. Like those of past welfare systems, participatory democracy under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime was introduced for securing political legitimacy. But it was managed under restrictions imposed by pro-economic-growth ideology. Nevertheless, the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun governments are different from the former welfare states because of the fact that participatory democracy system is not 'service' system but 'political structure' and the fact that the grant of powers by participatory democracy played positive roles in the development of welfare state through request of higher benefit level policy.

• Journal of Forest and Environmental Science
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.131-138
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• 2009

Recently, various efforts for the extended utilization of woody biomass has been attempted due to the fact that global warming, energy and environmental problems are urgent ones to be solved. Development of new energy sources at our national security level is desperately needed as we depend on almost all of energies supplied from other countries, let alone the economic crisis caused by oil price hike. Woody biomass can be converted to energy by means of thermochemical, biological, or direct combustion processes. Many processes are available for producing bioenergy, such as bioethanol, wood pellet, wood chip, combined heat, and power system. Political support and R&D investment should be provided that can boost the utilization of the wood biomass, the eco-environment, and recyclable and alternative energy resources for national power security. In addition, a long-term strategy that can utilize unused and low efficient woody biomass resources, and systematically collect and manage them in a national level should be set up. Even though the possibility in total exchange of fossil oil with woody biomass is quite low, technology developments of woody biomass for the solution to global warming and environmental problem through its commercialization are expected to grow steadily.

• Health Policy and Management
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.58-77
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• 2004

Cost containment has become high political issues since financial crisis of the Korean Health Insurance fund in 2000. Korean Government has developed and implemented several measures to reduce the pharmaceutical expenditures. Pharmaceutical economic evaluation can be a tool in decision to allocate scare resource efficiently. In order to increase the quality of economic evaluation for pharmaceuticals, the Korean Health Insurance Review Agency(HIRA) is considering the development of a guideline for economic evaluation. It mandates that pharmaceutical companies could submit the result of an economic evaluation when demanding reimbursement of new pharmaceutical drugs. The purpose of this study is to provide a critical review of the economic evaluations of health care technologies published in the Korean context whether they have been performed according to current guidelines and therefore whether their results are directly useful for decision making. We found there exist important problems and deviation from, good practice' both in the general features of the studies, like the study design and perspective, and in terms of cost measurement and valuation. There are needs to develop clear guidelines and to educate and train researchers in performing economic evaluations.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.193-230
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• 2002

Issues regarding "generation" are facing a renaissance during recent years. One of prevailing reasons for this development is the crisis of collective identities due to diverse contemporary socio-political circumstances and cultural characteristics of Korean society. However, it is often criticized that the sociological examination of this topic is rather in a obscure stage resulting from the inherent confusion and ambiguities mainly caused by the mixed usage of the concept. In this regard, this study explores the possibility of answering these critics and refining the systemic usage for the sociology of generation in the realm of social changes and social innovations. For this purpose, analytical classification of the concept based on various contextual typology are attempted.attempted.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.48
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• pp.359-402
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• 2002

In Korea we should prepare for the exploding need to nursing according to the rapid change to the aged society. Therefore the german model; of "Pflegeversicherung (a nursing social insurance)" which is introduced in 1995, could help us to plan for the aged society in next Years. In Germany the discussion about the proper measures against the need to nursing as social risk was begun in early 1990s. The need to nursing was thought as social risk because of the aged society, the burden of the family member who take the responsibility for the nursing, and the fiscal crisis of social assistance system which was caused to the exploding cost of nursing for the poor people. Among the some alternatives the "Pflegeversichrung" as a social insurance model! with the' pay-as-you-go system' was introduced step by step in the years of 1995 and 1996. Such german modell was possible on the basis of the stabil social insurance system, especially medical insurance system, the corporatism between the employer and the employee and the developed democratic political system in which the compromise is achieved at the cost of all concerned parties. In Korea we have no experience as like in Germany. But, in Korea, we can start more effectively to look after the possibility of any system which helps the people with need to nursing, when we have understood the factors in policy-making for the introduction of "Pflegeversicherung."