• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.7
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• pp.1-24
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• 2009

This article deals with military thought in general. First I tried to distinguish 'thought' from 'theory', 'philosophy', and 'principle'. Thought means the act of thinking about or considering something, an idea or opinion, or a set of ideas about a particular subject, e.g. military affairs in the present discussion. Theory means a formal statement of the rules on which a subject of study is based or of ideas which are suggested to explain a fact or event or, more generally, an opinion or explanation. Philosophy means the use of reason in understanding such things as the nature of reality and existence, the use and limits of knowledge. Principle means a basic idea or rule that explains or controls how something happens or works. Chapter 3 summarized the characteristics of military thoughts into five points', (i) it is closely related with concrete experiences of a nation; (ii) it includes philosophical and logical arguments; (iii) it relies heavily on the political thought of a nation; (iv) it includes necessarily value-judgments; (v) it contains visions of a nation which are not only descriptions or explanations of military affairs, but also evaluations and advocacies. Chapter 4 considers the relation of international political thoughts to military thought. Throughout the history of the modem states system there have been three competing traditions of thought: the Hobbesian or realist tradition, which views international politics as a state of war; the Kantian or universalist tradition, which sees at work in international politics a potential community of mankind; and the Grotian or internationalist tradition, which views international politics as taking place within an international society. Chapter 5 considers the law of war, which is a body of law concerning acceptable justifications to engage in war (jus ad bellum) and the limits to acceptable wartime conduct (jus in bello). Among other issues, modem laws of war address declarations of war, acceptance of surrender and the treatment of prisoners of war, military necessity along with distinction and proportionality, and the prohibition of certain weapons that may cause unnecessary suffering.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.79
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• pp.104-139
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• 2016

This study investigated how Korean media covered Japan's position on her past history issues proposed by Abe' Shinzo's cabinet. The researchers adopted Entman's analytical tools for frame analysis and the concept of "frame changing" proposed by Chi and McCombs. The analysis rendered several propositions. First of all, the Korean media's coverage on Japan's past history issues focused heavily on the current conflict among two nations rather than constructing a futuristic viewpoint based on a thorough discussion on the historical background of the topic. In addition, it emphasized that the conflict should be resolved by political negotiations between the two governments. Secondly, the news coverages depicted "comfort women" issues as the prime element of the conflict, describing Abe's cabinet as the major inducer of the conflict. Ideological and political divisions among Korean media did not significantly influence on how they frame Japan's past history issues. In general, Korean media took the stance of ethnocentric "patriotic journalism," advocating Korean government's position and covering the emotional reactions from Korean public instead of providing through and through objective news coverage on Japan's past history issues.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.71
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• pp.274-298
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• 2015

Doctoral Candidate, Department of Communication, Pusan National University This study analyzed the political and social significance of the disaster accident news with the frame and bias concept. In particular, this study confirmed theoretically how domestic media biased frame when it presents problem definition, causing interpretation, moral evaluation, and post-prescription on the ferry Sewol accident, In addition, the bias of the frame was analyzed comparing what is the difference between the conservative newspapers and liberal newspapers. Findings are as follows. First, in diagnosis of ferry Sewol accident, news slanted fragmentation frame>personalization frame>authority-disorder frame. The Chosun Ilbo focus on fragmentation bias, meanwhile Hankyoreh focus on the authority disorder relatively. Second, in accident evaluation, responsibility frame> moral frame> problem-solution frame. The Chosun Ilbo focus on responsibility frame and moral frame. But Hankyoreh focus on responsibility frame and problem-solution frame. Third, in the matter of responsibility, government frame>personal frame>organizational frame. Chosun Ilbo biased responsibility of the government and individuals, while the Hankyoreh is relatively more emphasis on government responsibility and the responsibility of the organization also showed. Fourth, in problem solving, thematic frame and episodic frame bias appeared as rough and level. Chosun Ilbo showed episodic frame, Hankyoreh showed thematic frame. News frame and bias as well as ideological differences of media on ferry Sewol accident was discussed in the context of the social dimension.

• The Journal of Korea Institute of Information, Electronics, and Communication Technology
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.213-222
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• 2016

The policy agenda setting is the symbolic policy of representing the public at home and abroad in addition to what a role of the government and the ruling party made a great contribution out of a political stream, rather than the policy that was formed by external group. Especially, a policy for migrant workers and married immigrant women is the important policy that will need to be solved in the global era. Accordingly, the purpose of this study is to confirm a factor, which had a decisive influence upon a policy, by examining the decision-making process of 'policy for the married immigrant women' with which the government pushes ahead. A specific plan for achieving this research objective is as follows. It progresses a theoretical discussion about the multi-cultural policy in south Korea and discusses the process that the multi-cultural policy is formed. The advancing stage includes the process of forming a multi-cultural discourse, the differentiation process that a multi-cultural discourse is diversely formed, and the process of being made a policy of multi-cultural discourse, which had been formed by section.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.19
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• pp.125-153
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• 2002

Because most of feminist researches on the media have been primarily concerned with women's roles and representations in main scream mass media, women's media as alternative media remain remarkably understudied. Thus this study explores women's media in relation to women's movement during the period of US military Government in Korea. There were five women's newspapers which were means of women's movement in this period. However, failing to attract enough appropriate revenues and resort to fund-raising, women's newspapers could nor be published a long time. And women's newspapers as means of women's movement had the defects in women's representations because women's movement lacked a certain degree of autonomy from the male-dominated political activities. In other words, women's newspapers maintained women's participation in political areas, but on the other hand they emphasized the women's role as mother and housewife.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.19
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• pp.239-264
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• 2002

The networking between the press and elites, and its impact on journalistic activities in fact have been major subjects of scholarly scrutiny particularly among students of elite theory and class theory. This is an empirical analysis of how the press establishes networks with several powers in local community. This study basically examines a set of independent variables, such as the nature of capital and history of local newspapers and explores how the management and elites in the press utilize several social resources and establish networks. Major findings of this study are as follows: To begin with, the networking between local newspapers and elites showes significant differences according to the nature of capital and history of the newspaper. In other words, while the newspapers operated by stock capital revealed high degree of networking with political and financial elites, the newspapers operated by family capital did not demonstrate significant level of networking with particular elites. The shorter the history of newspaper is, the more she tends to be dependent on resources, and feel it imperative to establish strong networks with elites.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.67
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• pp.7-34
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• 2014

This study analyzes the characteristics, implications, and problems of Social Network of Press Organizations from the Kim Dae-jung administration to the Lee Myung-bak administration in Korea. For analyzing these issues, this study attempts to investigate the traits of social network structure based on the density analysis, distribution character analysis and correspondence analysis in each and among regimes. To answer these questions, this study utilizes human relationship data which related to personal network aspects (place of birth, affiliated college) and expertise aspects (types of major field), and which data has been gathered from the biographical web-site of Press Organizations in Korea. The results showed that the membership format of each Press Organizations depends on the connection with political environment directly and indirectly. Especially, the network traits of Broadcasting Press Organizations stands out a place of birth aspect. This findings indicate that the broadcasting policy reality that the path of decision making is connected with the political environment is more effective.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.65
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• pp.5-26
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• 2014

This research investigated to what extent social media use and motivation contributed to the bridging/bonding social capital and social, political participation by using the national survey on high school and university students. In particular, this research divided social media into two groups: open and closed one. The result of analysis showed that the use of open social media reinforced bridging social capital and that of closed social media did bonding social capital. Motives for social media use affected both bridging social capital and bonding social capital. Social media use and motive all had a positive influence on social, political participation. In conclusion, the effect of social media on social capital may be decided by the characteristics of social media and the purpose of social media use.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.5
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• pp.73-85
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• 2003

With more and more people paying attention to substantial democracy, participatory democracy is presented as a practical strategy and an index of Korean democracy. In this social and political atmosphere, participation in environmental planning and design is essential. Nonetheless, the true meaning of “participation” is not used properly because many people do not understand it correctly, The concept of social and political participation is “the action or attempt of ordinary members of society for affecting on the result of decision making.” Based on this concept, participation is accomplished through conventional means and as a form of mobilization in environmental planning and desist Most of the theories on public participation in landscape architecture are technical theories. Therefore, this paper proposes that planning and design of landscape architecture be understood as a communicative action that aims to enable stakeholders to reach a consensus through communication. This study offers the framework of theory to understand and practice planning and design of landscape architecture as a communicative action, after reviewing communicative action theory and communicative planning theory. Results suggest that communicative action theory should be accepted in landscape architecture to overcome the shortcomings of instrumental rationality -- the same way planning theory accepted this theory --and to join the culture of experts focusing on the artistic truth and the culture of life of the world. In addition, accepting communicative action theory enables the acquisition of the instrumental effect and social learning effect and the making of social capital. This study also suggested prerequisite for using the method. There should be change in the social institution and in individual action. In addition the method is composed of three steps: creating the atmosphere for communication; communicating, and; reaching a consensus among stakeholders. Finally, raising the possibility of applying the theory presented in this study requires the accumulation of know-how through trial and error.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.48
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• pp.25-45
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• 2009

The convergence of broadcasting & telecommunication is not a reality by itself, but recognized as a reality by the discourse which defines and explains it. It is the premise from which this article aims at studying how the discourse on the broadcasting-telecommunication convergence is formed, practised and transformed. This study compares the case of France with the case of Korea in order to show how the same discourse can engender different consequences and evolve in a different way in different socio-political situations. The discourse of the convergence was born as a scientific knowledge in the reports of the European Commission and OECD, and accepted as an important object generating social debates. Then, the discourse faces the resistance of pre-existent discourses in France, while it spreads without clash in South Korea. The French discourse results in a horizontal regulation of contents and networks, while the Korean discourse creates a unique regulator for both traditionally distinguished sectors. Finally, unlike France, the scientific discourse of the convergence in South Korea is transformed into even a political, imaginary or utopian discourse.